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neighboring well

  • 1 соседняя скважина

    • 1) adjacent well; 2) adjoining well
    * * *
    adjacent well, adjoining well, neighboring well, offset well

    Русско-английский словарь по нефти и газу > соседняя скважина

  • 2 соседняя скважина

    1) General subject: adjoining well
    2) Engineering: offset

    Универсальный русско-английский словарь > соседняя скважина

  • 3 vecino

    adj.
    1 nearby, neighboring, contiguous, bordering.
    2 similar.
    m.
    neighbor, neighbour, person living next door.
    * * *
    1 nearby, next, neighbouring (US neighboring)
    ► nombre masculino,nombre femenino
    1 (del barrio) neighbour (US neighbor)
    2 (residente) resident
    3 (habitante) inhabitant
    * * *
    1. (f. - vecina)
    noun
    2) resident, inhabitant
    2. (f. - vecina)
    adj.
    * * *
    vecino, -a
    1. ADJ
    1) (=cercano) neighbouring, neighboring (EEUU)
    2) (=contiguo)
    3) frm (=parecido) similar
    2. SM/ F
    1) [de edificio, calle] neighbour, neighbor (EEUU)

    vecino/a de rellano — next-door neighbour (in a block of flats)

    2) (=habitante) [de un pueblo] inhabitant; [de un barrio] resident

    un vecino de la calle Corredera — a resident of o a person who lives in Corredera street

    * * *
    I
    - na adjetivo
    a) ( contiguo) neighboring*

    vecino a algo — bordering on something, adjoining something

    b) ( cercano) neighboring*, nearby
    II
    - na masculino, femenino
    a) ( persona que vive cerca) neighbor*
    b) (habitante - de población, municipio) inhabitant; (- de barrio, edificio) resident
    * * *
    = neighbour [neighbor, -USA], neighbouring [neighboring, -USA], resident.
    Ex. Following our examples, the neighbors decide that they can provide the lower-cost food service to the wider community by buying in even larger quantities, and in the process make a profit for themselves.
    Ex. The philosophical, brooding Hippopotamians have suffered many attacks by the neighbouring Crocs who are well known for their purposefulness and efficiency.
    Ex. Since they were operated as part of the local authority, they achieved little credibility with residents.
    ----
    * amabilidad entre vecinos = over-the-fence friendliness.
    * asociación de vecinos = residents' association, urban residents' association, neighbourhood association.
    * comunidad de vecinos = housing association.
    * cordialidad entre vecinos = neighbourliness [neighborliness, -USA].
    * cualquier hijo de vecino = any Tom, Dick or Harry.
    * de buen vecino = neighbourly [neighborly, -USA].
    * material documental de interés para los vecinos del barrio = community literature.
    * no ser menos que el vecino = keep up with + the Joneses.
    * nuevo vecino del barrio = new kid on the block.
    * todo hijo de vecino = every Tom, Dick and Harry.
    * vecino del pueblo = villager, village man, village woman.
    * vecinos del pueblo = village people.
    * vecinos, los = Joneses, the.
    * * *
    I
    - na adjetivo
    a) ( contiguo) neighboring*

    vecino a algo — bordering on something, adjoining something

    b) ( cercano) neighboring*, nearby
    II
    - na masculino, femenino
    a) ( persona que vive cerca) neighbor*
    b) (habitante - de población, municipio) inhabitant; (- de barrio, edificio) resident
    * * *
    = neighbour [neighbor, -USA], neighbouring [neighboring, -USA], resident.

    Ex: Following our examples, the neighbors decide that they can provide the lower-cost food service to the wider community by buying in even larger quantities, and in the process make a profit for themselves.

    Ex: The philosophical, brooding Hippopotamians have suffered many attacks by the neighbouring Crocs who are well known for their purposefulness and efficiency.
    Ex: Since they were operated as part of the local authority, they achieved little credibility with residents.
    * amabilidad entre vecinos = over-the-fence friendliness.
    * asociación de vecinos = residents' association, urban residents' association, neighbourhood association.
    * comunidad de vecinos = housing association.
    * cordialidad entre vecinos = neighbourliness [neighborliness, -USA].
    * cualquier hijo de vecino = any Tom, Dick or Harry.
    * de buen vecino = neighbourly [neighborly, -USA].
    * material documental de interés para los vecinos del barrio = community literature.
    * no ser menos que el vecino = keep up with + the Joneses.
    * nuevo vecino del barrio = new kid on the block.
    * todo hijo de vecino = every Tom, Dick and Harry.
    * vecino del pueblo = villager, village man, village woman.
    * vecinos del pueblo = village people.
    * vecinos, los = Joneses, the.

    * * *
    vecino1 -na
    A
    1 (contiguo) neighboring*
    los países vecinos the neighboring countries
    vecino A algo bordering ON sth, adjoining sth
    la finca vecina a la suya the property bordering on his o adjoining his, the next o the adjacent property
    2 (cercano) neighboring*, nearby
    era de un pueblo vecino she was from a neighboring o nearby village
    B (similar) ‹ideas/posiciones› similar
    vecino2 -na
    masculine, feminine
    1 (habitante, residente — de una población, un municipio) inhabitant; (— de un barrio, edificio) resident
    la colaboración de todos los vecinos de Atlanta the cooperation of all the inhabitants of Atlanta o of everyone who lives in Atlanta
    la comunidad de vecinos the residents' association
    ayer vi a tu vecina I saw your neighbor yesterday, I saw the woman who lives next door to you yesterday
    mi vecino de al lado my next-door neighbor
    miles de vecinos de la fábrica thousands of people who live near the factory
    * * *

     

    vecino
    ◊ -na adjetivo

    a) ( contiguo) neighboring( conjugate neighboring);


    vecino a algo bordering on sth, adjoining sth
    b) ( cercano) neighboring( conjugate neighboring), nearby

    ■ sustantivo masculino, femenino


    b) ( habitante — de población, municipio) inhabitant;

    (— de barrio, edificio) resident
    vecino,-a
    I sustantivo masculino y femenino
    1 (de una casa, barrio) neighbour, US neighbor
    2 (de una población) resident
    Juan Gómez, vecino de la villa de Madrid, Juan Gómez, resident in Madrid
    II adjetivo
    1 (países, ciudades) neighbouring, US neighboring
    (próximo, cercano) nearby
    2 (semejante) close, similar
    ' vecino' also found in these entries:
    Spanish:
    amargura
    - robar
    - vecina
    English:
    argument
    - auction
    - burglarize
    - gossip
    - howl
    - loaded
    - local
    - neighbor
    - neighboring
    - neighbour
    - neighbouring
    - next
    - resident
    - villager
    * * *
    vecino, -a
    ♦ adj
    1. [cercano] neighbouring;
    lo trajeron de un pueblo vecino they brought it from a neighbouring village
    2. [contiguo] neighbouring;
    el país vecino the neighbouring country;
    vecino a next to;
    una tienda vecina al restaurante a shop next (door) to o adjacent to the restaurant
    3. [parecido] similar
    ♦ nm,f
    1. [de la misma casa, calle] neighbour;
    es mi vecino he's a neighbour of mine;
    Méx Fam
    el vecino del norte our northern neighbour [the United States]
    2. [habitante] [de un barrio] resident;
    [de una localidad] inhabitant;
    las asociaciones de vecinos the residents' associations;
    una localidad de 500 vecinos a village of 500 inhabitants;
    Juan García, vecino de Guadalajara Juan García of Guadalajara
    * * *
    I adj neighboring, Br
    neighbouring;
    país vecino neighboring country
    II m, vecina f neighbor, Br
    neighbour
    * * *
    vecino, -na n
    1) : neighbor
    2) : resident, inhabitant
    * * *
    vecino1 adj neighbouring
    vecino2 n neighbour

    Spanish-English dictionary > vecino

  • 4 cercano

    adj.
    1 close, immediate, near, nearby.
    2 close, dear.
    * * *
    1 (inmediato) near, close
    2 (vecino) nearby, neighbouring (US neighboring)
    3 (pariente) close
    \
    el Cercano Oriente the Near East
    * * *
    (f. - cercana)
    adj.
    close, near, nearby
    * * *
    ADJ
    1) [lugar] nearby

    • cercano a — close to, near, near to

    2) [amigo, pariente] close

    • cercano a — close to

    3) [en el tiempo]

    ahora, cuando está cercano el primer aniversario de su muerte — now, as the first anniversary of her death approaches

    * * *
    - na adjetivo
    1)
    a) ( en el espacio) nearby, neighboring*

    cercano a algo — near something, close to something

    b) ( en el tiempo) close, near
    2) <pariente/amigo> close
    * * *
    = adjacent, adjoining, close [closer -comp., closest -sup.], immediate, nearby [near-by], neighbouring [neighboring, -USA], near at hand, close at hand, in sight, over the horizon, on the horizon, close-by, proximate, near [nearer -comp., nearest -sup.], within sight, within range.
    Ex. Before him there are the two items to be joined, projected onto adjacent viewing positions.
    Ex. The library is poorly sited outside the shopping centre and on the brow of a hill, and faces competition from adjoining libraries.
    Ex. Superior cataloguing may result, since more consistency and closer adherence to standard codes are likely to emerge with cataloguers who spend all of their time cataloguing, than with a librarian who tackles cataloguing as one of various professional tasks.
    Ex. This system offers immediate access when required by users and staff, preferably several users at the same time.
    Ex. An earlier leakage had prompted library staff to make arrangements with a nearby firm of book conservation specialists in the event of a further disaster.
    Ex. The philosophical, brooding Hippopotamians have suffered many attacks by the neighbouring Crocs who are well known for their purposefulness and efficiency.
    Ex. The firm does not have to be near at hand, but there must be plenty of cooperation and consultation as to selection of stock.
    Ex. Material needed daily should be stored close at hand.
    Ex. The trend is definitely towards the electronic submission, but the point where this method will entirely supplant the others is not yet in sight.
    Ex. This article surveys the changes which have already occurred and those which are just over the horizon.
    Ex. The author concludes with descriptions of advances in the technology currently on the horizon.
    Ex. The second phase of the study entailed interviewing at close-by universities in the Midwest.
    Ex. For example, Literature and Language should be proximate, as should Commerce and Economics and Business, Psychology and Medicine, and so on.
    Ex. He was a loner himself, a small-town country boy who spent most of his time wandering about the hills and fields near his home.
    Ex. As the major US telecommunications service providers install fibre optic cable, the availability of interactive video is within sight.
    Ex. 77% of the world's population lives within range of a mobile network.
    ----
    * cercano a = approaching, in close proximity to.
    * Cercano Oriente = Near East.
    * cercano uno del otro = in close proximity.
    * del Cercano Oriente = Near-Eastern.
    * en el futuro cercano = in the foreseeable future.
    * en un futuro más o menos cercano = in the near future.
    * en un futuro muy cercano = in the very near future.
    * en un período más o menos cercano = in the near future.
    * experiencia cercana a la muerte = near death experience.
    * futuro cercano, el = near future, the.
    * lado más cercano, el = near side, the.
    * lo más cercano a = the nearest thing to.
    * pariente cercano = close relation.
    * redondear al número entero más cercano = round up to + the nearest whole number.
    * * *
    - na adjetivo
    1)
    a) ( en el espacio) nearby, neighboring*

    cercano a algo — near something, close to something

    b) ( en el tiempo) close, near
    2) <pariente/amigo> close
    * * *
    = adjacent, adjoining, close [closer -comp., closest -sup.], immediate, nearby [near-by], neighbouring [neighboring, -USA], near at hand, close at hand, in sight, over the horizon, on the horizon, close-by, proximate, near [nearer -comp., nearest -sup.], within sight, within range.

    Ex: Before him there are the two items to be joined, projected onto adjacent viewing positions.

    Ex: The library is poorly sited outside the shopping centre and on the brow of a hill, and faces competition from adjoining libraries.
    Ex: Superior cataloguing may result, since more consistency and closer adherence to standard codes are likely to emerge with cataloguers who spend all of their time cataloguing, than with a librarian who tackles cataloguing as one of various professional tasks.
    Ex: This system offers immediate access when required by users and staff, preferably several users at the same time.
    Ex: An earlier leakage had prompted library staff to make arrangements with a nearby firm of book conservation specialists in the event of a further disaster.
    Ex: The philosophical, brooding Hippopotamians have suffered many attacks by the neighbouring Crocs who are well known for their purposefulness and efficiency.
    Ex: The firm does not have to be near at hand, but there must be plenty of cooperation and consultation as to selection of stock.
    Ex: Material needed daily should be stored close at hand.
    Ex: The trend is definitely towards the electronic submission, but the point where this method will entirely supplant the others is not yet in sight.
    Ex: This article surveys the changes which have already occurred and those which are just over the horizon.
    Ex: The author concludes with descriptions of advances in the technology currently on the horizon.
    Ex: The second phase of the study entailed interviewing at close-by universities in the Midwest.
    Ex: For example, Literature and Language should be proximate, as should Commerce and Economics and Business, Psychology and Medicine, and so on.
    Ex: He was a loner himself, a small-town country boy who spent most of his time wandering about the hills and fields near his home.
    Ex: As the major US telecommunications service providers install fibre optic cable, the availability of interactive video is within sight.
    Ex: 77% of the world's population lives within range of a mobile network.
    * cercano a = approaching, in close proximity to.
    * Cercano Oriente = Near East.
    * cercano uno del otro = in close proximity.
    * del Cercano Oriente = Near-Eastern.
    * en el futuro cercano = in the foreseeable future.
    * en un futuro más o menos cercano = in the near future.
    * en un futuro muy cercano = in the very near future.
    * en un período más o menos cercano = in the near future.
    * experiencia cercana a la muerte = near death experience.
    * futuro cercano, el = near future, the.
    * lado más cercano, el = near side, the.
    * lo más cercano a = the nearest thing to.
    * pariente cercano = close relation.
    * redondear al número entero más cercano = round up to + the nearest whole number.

    * * *
    cercano -na
    A
    1 (en el espacio) nearby, neighboring* cercano A algo near sth, close TO sth
    los pueblos cercanos a Durango the villages in the vicinity of o close to o near Durango
    una suma cercana al millón an amount close to o close on a million
    2 (en el tiempo) close, near
    cercano A algo close TO sth
    se sentía cercano a su fin he felt the end was near o close, he felt he was close to the end
    Compuesto:
    el Cercano Oriente the Near East
    B ‹pariente/amigo› close
    * * *

     

    cercano
    ◊ -na adjetivo

    1

    cercano a algo near sth, close to sth;



    cercano a algo close to sth
    2 ‹pariente/amigo› close
    cercano,-a adjetivo
    1 close, nearby
    un pueblo cercano, a nearby village
    2 (pariente) close
    3 Cercano Oriente, Near East
    ' cercano' also found in these entries:
    Spanish:
    cercana
    - ir
    - próxima
    - próximo
    - vecina
    - vecino
    - futuro
    English:
    close
    - early
    - immediate
    - near
    - nearby
    - nursery
    - offshore
    - proximate
    - next
    * * *
    cercano, -a adj
    1. [en el espacio] nearby;
    cercano a near, close to
    el Cercano Oriente the Near East
    2. [en el tiempo] near;
    cercano a near, close to
    3. [con cifras] close;
    pagaron un precio cercano a los 2 millones they paid close to o nearly 2 million
    4. [pariente, amigo, colaborador] close;
    según fuentes cercanas a la familia real,… according to sources close to the royal family,…
    5. [en contenido]
    una obra más cercana a la tragedia que a la comedia a play that is closer to tragedy than to comedy
    * * *
    adj nearby;
    cercano a close to, near to
    * * *
    cercano, -na adj
    : near, close
    * * *
    cercano adj
    1. (en distancia) near / nearby
    2. (una persona) close

    Spanish-English dictionary > cercano

  • 5 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 6 vicino

    "contiguous;
    Benachbart;
    vizinho"
    * * *
    1. adj near, close
    vicino a near, close to
    ( accanto a) next to
    visto close up
    2. adv nearby, close by
    3. m, vicina f neighbo(u)r
    * * *
    vicino agg.
    1 ( nello spazio e nel tempo) near (by), close; near at hand (pred.): siamo vicini a casa, we're near (o close to) home; fermiamoci all'albergo più vicino, let's stop at the nearest hotel; ''é lontana la fermata del tram?'' ''No, è vicinissima'', ''Is the tram stop a long way off?'' ''No, it's very near (o it's nearby)''; Natale è ormai vicino, Christmas is near at hand // un uomo più vicino ai cinquanta che ai quaranta, a man closer to fifty (years of age) than forty // l'inverno era ormai vicino, winter was drawing near // gli esami sono vicini, it's almost exam time (o the exams are almost on top of us) // state vicini, altrimenti vi perdete, keep close together, or you'll lose one another // siamo molto vicini di età, there isn't much between us (o we're very close together in age)
    2 ( limitrofo) neighbouring (attr.); ( adiacente) adjoining, adjacent; next: il villaggio vicino, the neighbouring village; abita nella casa vicina, he lives next door; la biblioteca è nella stanza vicina, the library is in the adjoining (o adjacent o next) room; i due appartamenti sono vicini ( tra loro), the two flats are adjoining (o adjacent) (o are next to each other) // il vicino Oriente, the Near East
    3 (fig.) ( riferito a rapporti di parentela o amicizia) close: è un mio vicino parente, he is a close relative of mine // mi è stato vicino in quel momento difficile, he stood by me (o he was close to me) at that difficult time
    4 (fig.) ( simile, affine) close: è un colore più vicino al rosso che al viola, it's (a colour) closer to red than purple; le nostre idee sono molto vicine alle vostre, our ideas are very close to yours
    ◆ s.m. neighbour: i nostri vicini di casa, our neighbours; essere vicini di casa, to be next-door neighbours; il mio vicino di tavolo, the person sitting next to me at table.
    vicino avv. near (by), close, near by, close by: abitiamo vicino, we live near (o close) by; lavoro qui vicino, I work nearby (o near here); è successo lì vicino, it happened near (o close to) there; sta' vicino!, keep close!; venite più vicino, come closer; non ha indovinato, ma c'è andato vicino, he didn't guess right, but he was close // da vicino, (from) close up: vedi bene da vicino?, can you see well from close up?; fatti vedere da vicino, let me see you (from) close up; la foto è presa troppo da vicino, the photo was taken (from) too close up; guardare, esaminare qlco. da vicino, più da vicino, to look at, to examine sthg. from close up, from closer (o to give a close, closer look at sthg.); conoscere qlcu. da vicino, to know s.o. well.
    * * *
    [vi'tʃino] vicino (-a)
    1. agg
    1) (a poca distanza) near, nearby, (paese) neighbouring Brit, neighboring Am, nearby

    vicino a — near, close to

    la stazione è vicina — the station is near, the station is close (by)

    2) (accanto) next
    3) (nel tempo) near, close at hand

    siamo vicini alla fine — we've almost o nearly finished

    le vacanze sono vicine — the holidays are Brit o the vacation is Am approaching

    2. avv
    1) (a poca distanza) near, nearby, close (by), (nel tempo) near, close
    2)

    da vicino — close to, (esaminare, seguire) closely, (sparare) at close quarters

    3)

    vicino a — close to, near (to), (accanto a) beside, next to

    era seduto vicino a me — he was sitting near me, (accanto a) he was sitting next to o beside me

    ci sono andato vicino — (fig : quasi indovinato) I almost got it

    3. sm/f
    neighbour Brit, neighbor Am

    il mio vicino di banco — the person at the desk next to mine, my neighbo(u)r

    * * *
    [vi'tʃino] 1.
    1) (nello spazio) near mai attrib., close mai attrib., nearby attrib.; (confinante) neighbouring attrib. BE, neighboring attrib. AE

    la nostra meta è -a — fig. our goal is in sight

    2) (nel tempo) (imminente) [data, evento] close, near (at hand)
    3) (simile) [idee, risultati, valori, significati] similar
    4) (sul piano affettivo) [ persona] close (a to)
    2.
    sostantivo maschile (f. -a)
    1) (di casa) neighbour BE, neighbor AE

    il gatto, il giardino dei -i — next door's cat, garden

    il mio vicino di tavolo — the man o person next to me at table

    3.
    1) near, close

    esaminare qcs. da vicino — to have a close look at sth.

    visto da vicino è brutto — seen at close quarters, he's ugly

    3) vicino a near, close to
    * * *
    vicino
    /vi't∫ino/
    Per scegliere il corretto equivalente inglese dell'italiano vicino tra near, nearby, close, next to, beside, by, around, neighbouring, neighbour ecc., bisogna prima stabilire se vicino è usato come aggettivo, avverbio, nella locuzione prepositiva vicino a oppure come sostantivo, e se dal punto di vista semantico si riferisce allo spazio, al tempo o ad altro, e se è inteso in senso proprio o figurato. La struttura della voce qui sotto e gli esempi aiuteranno nella scelta. - Si noti in particolare l'uso di close e near: quando questi aggettivi si riferiscono a una vicinanza nello spazio compaiono solo nella locuzione preposizionale vicino a ( il mio ufficio è vicino alla chiesa = my office is close to / near the church) o in funzione predicativa ( il mio ufficio è molto vicino = my office is quite near / close), mentre in funzione attributiva davanti a un nome si deve usare nearby ( il vicino ristorante = the nearby restaurant) o la forma al superlativo the nearest ( il ristorante più vicino = the nearest restaurant).
     1 (nello spazio) near mai attrib., close mai attrib., nearby attrib.; (confinante) neighbouring attrib. BE, neighboring attrib. AE; le scrivanie sono molto -e the desks are close together; in una città -a in a neighbouring town; dov'è l'ospedale più vicino? where is the nearest hospital? la nostra meta è -a fig. our goal is in sight
     2 (nel tempo) (imminente) [data, evento] close, near (at hand); le vacanze sono -e holidays are near at hand o are getting close; l'estate è ormai -a summer is drawing near now; essere vicino alla pensione to be approaching retirement; non si è ancora -i a una soluzione there's no solution in sight
     3 (simile) [idee, risultati, valori, significati] similar
     4 (sul piano affettivo) [ persona] close (a to)
     (f. -a)
     1 (di casa) neighbour BE, neighbor AE; il gatto, il giardino dei -i next door's cat, garden
     2 (che si trova accanto) il mio vicino di tavolo the man o person next to me at table
     1 near, close; abitare vicino to live close(ly); vieni più vicino come closer; qui vicino near here
     2 da vicino seguire da vicino to follow closely; esaminare qcs. da vicino to have a close look at sth.; visto da vicino è brutto seen at close quarters, he's ugly
     3 vicino a near, close to; abito vicino a Torino I live near Turin; sedere vicino al finestrino to sit at o by the window; sedeva vicino a lui she was sitting next to o beside him; una casa vicino al mare a house by the sea; non ho vinto ma ci sono andato vicino I didn't win but I came close.

    Dizionario Italiano-Inglese > vicino

  • 7 colidante

    = neighbouring [neighboring, -USA].
    Ex. The philosophical, brooding Hippopotamians have suffered many attacks by the neighbouring Crocs who are well known for their purposefulness and efficiency.
    * * *
    = neighbouring [neighboring, -USA].

    Ex: The philosophical, brooding Hippopotamians have suffered many attacks by the neighbouring Crocs who are well known for their purposefulness and efficiency.

    Spanish-English dictionary > colidante

  • 8 соседний

    1. adjoining
    2. adjacent
    3. adjoined
    4. vicinal
    5. door-to-door
    6. nearby

    соседний; поблизости — near by

    7. neighboring
    8. neighbouring; adjoining
    Синонимический ряд:
    смежный (прил.) пограничный; смежный; сопредельный

    Русско-английский большой базовый словарь > соседний

  • 9 Ч-184

    ЧТO ЛИ coll (Particle Invar
    1. used to express uncertainty, indecisiveness, hesitation, assumption
    perhaps
    maybe or something or whatever I suppose.
    ...На Западе (мор) удивительным образом задержался как раз на польской и румынской границах. Климат, что ли, там был иной или сыграли роль заградительные кордонные меры, принятые соседними правительствами, но факт тот, что мор дальше не пошёл (Булгаков 10). In the west, it (the plague) halted miraculously exactly on the Polish and Rumanian borders. Perhaps the climate in these countries was different, or perhaps the quarantine established by the neighboring governments had done its job, but the fact remains that the plague had gone no further (10a).
    (Спиридоньевна:) Да где сам-то: дома, видно, нет? (Матрёна:) К священнику, что ли, пошёл - не знаю... (Писем- ский 1). (S.:) And where is he? I see he's not home. (M.:) I don't know....Maybe he's gone to the priest (1a).
    Что она там делает? Гладит, что ли? (Трифонов 4). What was she doing there? Ironing or something? (4a).
    Рассказ, следовательно, о разладе между чистыми устремлениями юности и последующим попаданием, что ли, в плен житейской суете, заставляющей терять эту чистоту... (Олеша 3). The story, it follows, is about the conflict between the pure strivings of youth and the subsequent fall, or whatever, into bondage to a daily routine which forces one to lose that purity... (3a).
    Атуева:)...А вы, говорит, заодно с Кречииским-то, что ли? (Сухово-Кобылин 1). (А.:)...Не says to me, Well, I suppose you and Krechinsky see eye to eye, eh? (1a).
    2. (used in questions, rhet questions, exclamations) used to express doubt, bewilderment, incredulity etc
    or what?
    what? (in limited contexts) what am I (are you etc)...? is that it? (may be translated as part of general context).
    «Откуда угрозыску стало известно, что я в „Орбите" гулял? Следили за мной, что ли?» (Черненок 1). "How did CID find out that I was partying at the Orbit? Were you watching me, or what?" (1a).
    «Вот чудаки! — воскликнул Покисен. — Что же, я вам врать, что ли, буду?» (Федин 1). "What fools!" exclaimed Pokisen. "What, d'you think I'm going to lie to you?" (1a).
    Маша:) Тебя исключают из университета... (Колесов:) Да он (ректор) что, озверел, что ли? (Вампилов 3). (М.:) You're being expelled from the university.... (K.:) What happened, did he (the Provost) go wild, is that it? (3b).
    Но, спрашивается, зачем нам этот мракобес, что, у нас нет своих забот, что ли? (Искандер 4). But, I ask you, what do we want with this obscurantist, don't we have enough troubles of our own? (4a).
    3. ( usu. used with imper
    used to express exhortation
    do (foil. by imper
    why don't you...?;..., will you? (in limited contexts) shall we...?
    «Отсаживай, что ли, нижегородская ворона!» - кричал чужой кучер (Гоголь 3). "Back up, why don't you, you Nizhni Novgorod crow!" shouted the strange coachman (3c).
    (Пепел:) Барон! Идём в трактир... (Барон:) Готов! Ну, прощай, старик... Шельма ты! (Лука:) Всяко бывает, милый... (Пепел (у двери в сени):) Ну, идём, что ли! (Горький 3). (Р:) Baron, come on to the tavern!(В.:) I'm ready! Well, good-by, old man!...You're a rascal! (L.:) There are all sorts of folks, my friend. (P (at the door of the halt):) Well, come on, will you! (3f).
    Так что ж, матушка, по рукам, что ли?» - говорил Чичиков (Гоголь 3). "Well, my dear lady, shall we call it a deal?" Chichikov was saying (3c).

    Большой русско-английский фразеологический словарь > Ч-184

  • 10 что ли

    • ЧТО ЛИ coll
    [Particle; Invar]
    =====
    1. used to express uncertainty, indecisiveness, hesitation, assumption:
    - I suppose.
         ♦...На Западе [мор] удивительным образом задержался как раз на польской и румынской границах. Климат, что ли, там был иной или сыграли роль заградительные кордонные меры, принятые соседними правительствами, но факт тот, что мор дальше не пошёл (Булгаков 10). In the west, it [the plague] halted miraculously exactly on the Polish and Rumanian borders. Pferhaps the climate in these countries was different, or perhaps the quarantine established by the neighboring governments hid done its job, but the fact remains that the plague had gone no further (10a).
         ♦ [Спиридоньевна:] Да где сам-то: дома, видно, нет? [Матрёна:] К священнику, что ли, пошёл - не знаю... (Писемский 1). [S.:] And where is he? I see he's not home. [М.:] I don't know....Maybe he's gone to the priest (1a).
         ♦ Что она там делает? Гладит, что ли? (Трифонов 4). What was she doing there? Ironing or something? (4a).
         ♦ Рассказ, следовательно, о разладе между чистыми устремлениями юности и последующим попаданием, что ли, в плен житейской суете, заставляющей терять эту чистоту... (Олеша 3). The story, it follows, is about the conflict between the pure strivings of youth and the subsequent fall, or whatever, into bondage to a daily routine which forces one to lose that purity... (3a).
         ♦ [Атуева:]...А вы, говорит, заодно с Кречииским-то, что ли? (Сухово-Кобылин 1). [ А.:]... He says to me, Well, I suppose you and Krechinsky see eye to eye, eh? (1a).
    2. [used in questions, rhet questions, exclamations]
    ⇒ used to express doubt, bewilderment, incredulity etc:
    - or what?;
    - what?;
    - [in limited contexts] what am I (are you etc)...?;
    - is that it?;
    - [may be translated as part of general context].
         ♦ "Откуда угрозыску стало известно, что я в "Орбите" гулял? Следили за мной, что ли?" (Чернёнок 1). "How did CID find out that I was partying at the Orbit? Were you watching me, or what?" (1a).
         ♦ "Вот чудаки! - воскликнул Покисен. - Что же, я вам врать, что ли, буду?" (Федин 1). "What fools!" exclaimed Pokisen. "What, d'you think I'm going to lie to you?" (1a).
         ♦ [Маша:] Тебя исключают из университета... [Колесов:] Да он [ректор] что, озверел, что ли? (Вампилов 3). [М.:] You're being expelled from the university.... [K.:] What happened, did he [the Provost] go wild, is that it? (3b).
         ♦ Но, спрашивается, зачем нам этот мракобес, что, у нас нет своих забот, что ли? (Искандер 4). But, I ask you, what do we want with this obscurantist, don't we have enough troubles of our own? (4a).
    3. [usu. used with imper]
    ⇒ used to express exhortation:
    - do [foll by imper];
    - why don't you...?;
    - ..., will you?;
    - [in limited contexts] shall we...?
         ♦ "Отсаживай, что ли, нижегородская ворона!" - кричал чужой кучер (Гоголь 3). "Back up, why don't you, you Nizhni Novgorod crow!" shouted the strange coachman (3c).
         ♦ [Пепел:] Барон! Идём в трактир... [Барон:] Готов! Ну, прощай, старик... Шельма ты! [Лука:] Всяко бывает, милый... [Пепел (у двери в сени):] Ну, идём, что ли! (Горький 3). [R:] Baron, come on to the tavern! [В.:] I'mready! Well, good-by, old man!...You're a rascal! [L.:] There are all sorts of folks, my friend. [P (at the door of the halt):] Well, come on, will you! (3f).
         ♦ "Так что ж, матушка, по рукам, что ли?" - говорил Чичиков (Гоголь 3). "Well, my dear lady, shall we call it a deal?" Chichikov was saying (3c).

    Большой русско-английский фразеологический словарь > что ли

  • 11 Empire, Portuguese overseas

    (1415-1975)
       Portugal was the first Western European state to establish an early modern overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean and perhaps the last colonial power to decolonize. A vast subject of complexity that is full of myth as well as debatable theories, the history of the Portuguese overseas empire involves the story of more than one empire, the question of imperial motives, the nature of Portuguese rule, and the results and consequences of empire, including the impact on subject peoples as well as on the mother country and its society, Here, only the briefest account of a few such issues can be attempted.
       There were various empires or phases of empire after the capture of the Moroccan city of Ceuta in 1415. There were at least three Portuguese empires in history: the First empire (1415-1580), the Second empire (1580-1640 and 1640-1822), and the Third empire (1822-1975).
       With regard to the second empire, the so-called Phillipine period (1580-1640), when Portugal's empire was under Spanish domination, could almost be counted as a separate era. During that period, Portugal lost important parts of its Asian holdings to England and also sections of its colonies of Brazil, Angola, and West Africa to Holland's conquests. These various empires could be characterized by the geography of where Lisbon invested its greatest efforts and resources to develop territories and ward off enemies.
       The first empire (1415-1580) had two phases. First came the African coastal phase (1415-97), when the Portuguese sought a foothold in various Moroccan cities but then explored the African coast from Morocco to past the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa. While colonization and sugar farming were pursued in the Atlantic islands, as well as in the islands in the Gulf of Guinea like São Tomé and Príncipe, for the most part the Portuguese strategy was to avoid commitments to defending or peopling lands on the African continent. Rather, Lisbon sought a seaborne trade empire, in which the Portuguese could profit from exploiting trade and resources (such as gold) along the coasts and continue exploring southward to seek a sea route to Portuguese India. The second phase of the first empire (1498-1580) began with the discovery of the sea route to Asia, thanks to Vasco da Gama's first voyage in 1497-99, and the capture of strong points, ports, and trading posts in order to enforce a trade monopoly between Asia and Europe. This Asian phase produced the greatest revenues of empire Portugal had garnered, yet ended when Spain conquered Portugal and commanded her empire as of 1580.
       Portugal's second overseas empire began with Spanish domination and ran to 1822, when Brazil won her independence from Portugal. This phase was characterized largely by Brazilian dominance of imperial commitment, wealth in minerals and other raw materials from Brazil, and the loss of a significant portion of her African and Asian coastal empire to Holland and Great Britain. A sketch of Portugal's imperial losses either to native rebellions or to imperial rivals like Britain and Holland follows:
       • Morocco (North Africa) (sample only)
       Arzila—Taken in 1471; evacuated in 1550s; lost to Spain in 1580, which returned city to a sultan.
       Ceuta—Taken in 1415; lost to Spain in 1640 (loss confirmed in 1668 treaty with Spain).
       • Tangiers—Taken in 15th century; handed over to England in 1661 as part of Catherine of Braganza's dowry to King Charles II.
       • West Africa
       • Fort/Castle of São Jorge da Mina, Gold Coast (in what is now Ghana)—Taken in 1480s; lost to Holland in 1630s.
       • Middle East
       Socotra-isle—Conquered in 1507; fort abandoned in 1511; used as water resupply stop for India fleet.
       Muscat—Conquered in 1501; lost to Persians in 1650.
       Ormuz—Taken, 1505-15 under Albuquerque; lost to England, which gave it to Persia in the 17th century.
       Aden (entry to Red Sea) — Unsuccessfully attacked by Portugal (1513-30); taken by Turks in 1538.
       • India
       • Ceylon (Sri Lanka)—Taken by 1516; lost to Dutch after 1600.
       • Bombay—Taken in 16th century; given to England in 1661 treaty as part of Catherine of Braganza's dowry for Charles II.
       • East Indies
       • Moluccas—Taken by 1520; possession confirmed in 1529 Saragossa treaty with Spain; lost to Dutch after 1600; only East Timor remaining.
       After the restoration of Portuguese independence from Spain in 1640, Portugal proceeded to revive and strengthen the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance, with international aid to fight off further Spanish threats to Portugal and drive the Dutch invaders out of Brazil and Angola. While Portugal lost its foothold in West Africa at Mina to the Dutch, dominion in Angola was consolidated. The most vital part of the imperial economy was a triangular trade: slaves from West Africa and from the coasts of Congo and Angola were shipped to plantations in Brazil; raw materials (sugar, tobacco, gold, diamonds, dyes) were sent to Lisbon; Lisbon shipped Brazil colonists and hardware. Part of Portugal's War of Restoration against Spain (1640-68) and its reclaiming of Brazil and Angola from Dutch intrusions was financed by the New Christians (Jews converted to Christianity after the 1496 Manueline order of expulsion of Jews) who lived in Portugal, Holland and other low countries, France, and Brazil. If the first empire was mainly an African coastal and Asian empire, the second empire was primarily a Brazilian empire.
       Portugal's third overseas empire began upon the traumatic independence of Brazil, the keystone of the Lusitanian enterprise, in 1822. The loss of Brazil greatly weakened Portugal both as a European power and as an imperial state, for the scattered remainder of largely coastal, poor, and uncolonized territories that stretched from the bulge of West Africa to East Timor in the East Indies and Macau in south China were more of a financial liability than an asset. Only two small territories balanced their budgets occasionally or made profits: the cocoa islands of São Tomé and Príncipe in the Gulf of Guinea and tiny Macau, which lost much of its advantage as an entrepot between the West and the East when the British annexed neighboring Hong Kong in 1842. The others were largely burdens on the treasury. The African colonies were strapped by a chronic economic problem: at a time when the slave trade and then slavery were being abolished under pressures from Britain and other Western powers, the economies of Guinea- Bissau, São Tomé/Príncipe, Angola, and Mozambique were totally dependent on revenues from the slave trade and slavery. During the course of the 19th century, Lisbon began a program to reform colonial administration in a newly rejuvenated African empire, where most of the imperial efforts were expended, by means of replacing the slave trade and slavery, with legitimate economic activities.
       Portugal participated in its own early version of the "Scramble" for Africa's interior during 1850-69, but discovered that the costs of imperial expansion were too high to allow effective occupation of the hinterlands. After 1875, Portugal participated in the international "Scramble for Africa" and consolidated its holdings in west and southern Africa, despite the failure of the contra-costa (to the opposite coast) plan, which sought to link up the interiors of Angola and Mozambique with a corridor in central Africa. Portugal's expansion into what is now Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe (eastern section) in 1885-90 was thwarted by its oldest ally, Britain, under pressure from interest groups in South Africa, Scotland, and England. All things considered, Portugal's colonizing resources and energies were overwhelmed by the African empire it possessed after the frontier-marking treaties of 1891-1906. Lisbon could barely administer the massive area of five African colonies, whose total area comprised about 8 percent of the area of the colossal continent. The African territories alone were many times the size of tiny Portugal and, as of 1914, Portugal was the third colonial power in terms of size of area possessed in the world.
       The politics of Portugal's empire were deceptive. Lisbon remained obsessed with the fear that rival colonial powers, especially Germany and Britain, would undermine and then dismantle her African empire. This fear endured well into World War II. In developing and keeping her potentially rich African territories (especially mineral-rich Angola and strategically located Mozambique), however, the race against time was with herself and her subject peoples. Two major problems, both chronic, prevented Portugal from effective colonization (i.e., settling) and development of her African empire: the economic weakness and underdevelopment of the mother country and the fact that the bulk of Portuguese emigration after 1822 went to Brazil, Venezuela, the United States, and France, not to the colonies. These factors made it difficult to consolidate imperial control until it was too late; that is, until local African nationalist movements had organized and taken the field in insurgency wars that began in three of the colonies during the years 1961-64.
       Portugal's belated effort to revitalize control and to develop, in the truest sense of the word, Angola and Mozambique after 1961 had to be set against contemporary events in Europe, Africa, and Asia. While Portugal held on to a backward empire, other European countries like Britain, France, and Belgium were rapidly decolonizing their empires. Portugal's failure or unwillingness to divert the large streams of emigrants to her empire after 1850 remained a constant factor in this question. Prophetic were the words of the 19th-century economist Joaquim Oliveira Martins, who wrote in 1880 that Brazil was a better colony for Portugal than Africa and that the best colony of all would have been Portugal itself. As of the day of the Revolution of 25 April 1974, which sparked the final process of decolonization of the remainder of Portugal's third overseas empire, the results of the colonization program could be seen to be modest compared to the numbers of Portuguese emigrants outside the empire. Moreover, within a year, of some 600,000 Portuguese residing permanently in Angola and Mozambique, all but a few thousand had fled to South Africa or returned to Portugal.
       In 1974 and 1975, most of the Portuguese empire was decolonized or, in the case of East Timor, invaded and annexed by a foreign power before it could consolidate its independence. Only historic Macau, scheduled for transfer to the People's Republic of China in 1999, remained nominally under Portuguese control as a kind of footnote to imperial history. If Portugal now lacked a conventional overseas empire and was occupied with the challenges of integration in the European Union (EU), Lisbon retained another sort of informal dependency that was a new kind of empire: the empire of her scattered overseas Portuguese communities from North America to South America. Their numbers were at least six times greater than that of the last settlers of the third empire.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Empire, Portuguese overseas

  • 12 Introduction

       Portugal is a small Western European nation with a large, distinctive past replete with both triumph and tragedy. One of the continent's oldest nation-states, Portugal has frontiers that are essentially unchanged since the late 14th century. The country's unique character and 850-year history as an independent state present several curious paradoxes. As of 1974, when much of the remainder of the Portuguese overseas empire was decolonized, Portuguese society appeared to be the most ethnically homogeneous of the two Iberian states and of much of Europe. Yet, Portuguese society had received, over the course of 2,000 years, infusions of other ethnic groups in invasions and immigration: Phoenicians, Greeks, Celts, Romans, Suevi, Visigoths, Muslims (Arab and Berber), Jews, Italians, Flemings, Burgundian French, black Africans, and Asians. Indeed, Portugal has been a crossroads, despite its relative isolation in the western corner of the Iberian Peninsula, between the West and North Africa, Tropical Africa, and Asia and America. Since 1974, Portugal's society has become less homogeneous, as there has been significant immigration of former subjects from its erstwhile overseas empire.
       Other paradoxes should be noted as well. Although Portugal is sometimes confused with Spain or things Spanish, its very national independence and national culture depend on being different from Spain and Spaniards. Today, Portugal's independence may be taken for granted. Since 1140, except for 1580-1640 when it was ruled by Philippine Spain, Portugal has been a sovereign state. Nevertheless, a recurring theme of the nation's history is cycles of anxiety and despair that its freedom as a nation is at risk. There is a paradox, too, about Portugal's overseas empire(s), which lasted half a millennium (1415-1975): after 1822, when Brazil achieved independence from Portugal, most of the Portuguese who emigrated overseas never set foot in their overseas empire, but preferred to immigrate to Brazil or to other countries in North or South America or Europe, where established Portuguese overseas communities existed.
       Portugal was a world power during the period 1415-1550, the era of the Discoveries, expansion, and early empire, and since then the Portuguese have experienced periods of decline, decadence, and rejuvenation. Despite the fact that Portugal slipped to the rank of a third- or fourth-rate power after 1580, it and its people can claim rightfully an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions that assure their place both in world and Western history. These distinctions should be kept in mind while acknowledging that, for more than 400 years, Portugal has generally lagged behind the rest of Western Europe, although not Southern Europe, in social and economic developments and has remained behind even its only neighbor and sometime nemesis, Spain.
       Portugal's pioneering role in the Discoveries and exploration era of the 15th and 16th centuries is well known. Often noted, too, is the Portuguese role in the art and science of maritime navigation through the efforts of early navigators, mapmakers, seamen, and fishermen. What are often forgotten are the country's slender base of resources, its small population largely of rural peasants, and, until recently, its occupation of only 16 percent of the Iberian Peninsula. As of 1139—10, when Portugal emerged first as an independent monarchy, and eventually a sovereign nation-state, England and France had not achieved this status. The Portuguese were the first in the Iberian Peninsula to expel the Muslim invaders from their portion of the peninsula, achieving this by 1250, more than 200 years before Castile managed to do the same (1492).
       Other distinctions may be noted. Portugal conquered the first overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean in the early modern era and established the first plantation system based on slave labor. Portugal's empire was the first to be colonized and the last to be decolonized in the 20th century. With so much of its scattered, seaborne empire dependent upon the safety and seaworthiness of shipping, Portugal was a pioneer in initiating marine insurance, a practice that is taken for granted today. During the time of Pombaline Portugal (1750-77), Portugal was the first state to organize and hold an industrial trade fair. In distinctive political and governmental developments, Portugal's record is more mixed, and this fact suggests that maintaining a government with a functioning rule of law and a pluralist, representative democracy has not been an easy matter in a country that for so long has been one of the poorest and least educated in the West. Portugal's First Republic (1910-26), only the third republic in a largely monarchist Europe (after France and Switzerland), was Western Europe's most unstable parliamentary system in the 20th century. Finally, the authoritarian Estado Novo or "New State" (1926-74) was the longest surviving authoritarian system in modern Western Europe. When Portugal departed from its overseas empire in 1974-75, the descendants, in effect, of Prince Henry the Navigator were leaving the West's oldest empire.
       Portugal's individuality is based mainly on its long history of distinc-tiveness, its intense determination to use any means — alliance, diplomacy, defense, trade, or empire—to be a sovereign state, independent of Spain, and on its national pride in the Portuguese language. Another master factor in Portuguese affairs deserves mention. The country's politics and government have been influenced not only by intellectual currents from the Atlantic but also through Spain from Europe, which brought new political ideas and institutions and novel technologies. Given the weight of empire in Portugal's past, it is not surprising that public affairs have been hostage to a degree to what happened in her overseas empire. Most important have been domestic responses to imperial affairs during both imperial and internal crises since 1415, which have continued to the mid-1970s and beyond. One of the most important themes of Portuguese history, and one oddly neglected by not a few histories, is that every major political crisis and fundamental change in the system—in other words, revolution—since 1415 has been intimately connected with a related imperial crisis. The respective dates of these historical crises are: 1437, 1495, 1578-80, 1640, 1820-22, 1890, 1910, 1926-30, 1961, and 1974. The reader will find greater detail on each crisis in historical context in the history section of this introduction and in relevant entries.
       LAND AND PEOPLE
       The Republic of Portugal is located on the western edge of the Iberian Peninsula. A major geographical dividing line is the Tagus River: Portugal north of it has an Atlantic orientation; the country to the south of it has a Mediterranean orientation. There is little physical evidence that Portugal is clearly geographically distinct from Spain, and there is no major natural barrier between the two countries along more than 1,214 kilometers (755 miles) of the Luso-Spanish frontier. In climate, Portugal has a number of microclimates similar to the microclimates of Galicia, Estremadura, and Andalusia in neighboring Spain. North of the Tagus, in general, there is an Atlantic-type climate with higher rainfall, cold winters, and some snow in the mountainous areas. South of the Tagus is a more Mediterranean climate, with hot, dry, often rainless summers and cool, wet winters. Lisbon, the capital, which has a fifth of the country's population living in its region, has an average annual mean temperature about 16° C (60° F).
       For a small country with an area of 92,345 square kilometers (35,580 square miles, including the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and the Madeiras), which is about the size of the state of Indiana in the United States, Portugal has a remarkable diversity of regional topography and scenery. In some respects, Portugal resembles an island within the peninsula, embodying a unique fusion of European and non-European cultures, akin to Spain yet apart. Its geography is a study in contrasts, from the flat, sandy coastal plain, in some places unusually wide for Europe, to the mountainous Beira districts or provinces north of the Tagus, to the snow-capped mountain range of the Estrela, with its unique ski area, to the rocky, barren, remote Trás-os-Montes district bordering Spain. There are extensive forests in central and northern Portugal that contrast with the flat, almost Kansas-like plains of the wheat belt in the Alentejo district. There is also the unique Algarve district, isolated somewhat from the Alentejo district by a mountain range, with a microclimate, topography, and vegetation that resemble closely those of North Africa.
       Although Portugal is small, just 563 kilometers (337 miles) long and from 129 to 209 kilometers (80 to 125 miles) wide, it is strategically located on transportation and communication routes between Europe and North Africa, and the Americas and Europe. Geographical location is one key to the long history of Portugal's three overseas empires, which stretched once from Morocco to the Moluccas and from lonely Sagres at Cape St. Vincent to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is essential to emphasize the identity of its neighbors: on the north and east Portugal is bounded by Spain, its only neighbor, and by the Atlantic Ocean on the south and west. Portugal is the westernmost country of Western Europe, and its shape resembles a face, with Lisbon below the nose, staring into the
       Atlantic. No part of Portugal touches the Mediterranean, and its Atlantic orientation has been a response in part to turning its back on Castile and Léon (later Spain) and exploring, traveling, and trading or working in lands beyond the peninsula. Portugal was the pioneering nation in the Atlantic-born European discoveries during the Renaissance, and its diplomatic and trade relations have been dominated by countries that have been Atlantic powers as well: Spain; England (Britain since 1707); France; Brazil, once its greatest colony; and the United States.
       Today Portugal and its Atlantic islands have a population of roughly 10 million people. While ethnic homogeneity has been characteristic of it in recent history, Portugal's population over the centuries has seen an infusion of non-Portuguese ethnic groups from various parts of Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. Between 1500 and 1800, a significant population of black Africans, brought in as slaves, was absorbed in the population. And since 1950, a population of Cape Verdeans, who worked in menial labor, has resided in Portugal. With the influx of African, Goan, and Timorese refugees and exiles from the empire—as many as three quarters of a million retornados ("returned ones" or immigrants from the former empire) entered Portugal in 1974 and 1975—there has been greater ethnic diversity in the Portuguese population. In 2002, there were 239,113 immigrants legally residing in Portugal: 108,132 from Africa; 24,806 from Brazil; 15,906 from Britain; 14,617 from Spain; and 11,877 from Germany. In addition, about 200,000 immigrants are living in Portugal from eastern Europe, mainly from Ukraine. The growth of Portugal's population is reflected in the following statistics:
       1527 1,200,000 (estimate only)
       1768 2,400,000 (estimate only)
       1864 4,287,000 first census
       1890 5,049,700
       1900 5,423,000
       1911 5,960,000
       1930 6,826,000
       1940 7,185,143
       1950 8,510,000
       1960 8,889,000
       1970 8,668,000* note decrease
       1980 9,833,000
       1991 9,862,540
       1996 9,934,100
       2006 10,642,836
       2010 10,710,000 (estimated)

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Introduction

  • 13 ἔχω

    ἔχω (Hom.+) impf. εἶχον, 1 pl. εἴχαμεν and 3 pl. εἶχαν (both as vv.ll.; Mlt-H. 194; B-D-F §82) Mk 8:7; Rv 9:8 or εἴχοσαν (B-D-F §84, 2; Mlt-H. 194; Kühner-Bl. II p. 55) J 15:22, 24; 2 aor. ἔσχον; mixed aor. forms include ἔσχαν Hv 3, 5, 1, ἔσχοσαν 1 Esdr 6:5; 1 Macc 10:15 (ἔσχον, εἴχον vv.ll.); pf. ἔσχηκα; plpf. ἐσχήκειν.—In the following divisions: act. trans. 1–9; act. intr. 10; mid. 11.
    ① to possess or contain, have, own (Hom.+)
    ⓐ to possess someth. that is under one’s control
    α. own, possess (s. esp. TestJob 9f) κτήματα πολλά own much property Mt 19:22; Mk 10:22. πρόβατα Lk 15:4; J 10:16. θησαυρόν Mt 19:21; Mk 10:21b. βίον living Lk 21:4; 1J 3:17. δραχμὰς δέκα Lk 15:8. πλοῖα Rv 18:19. κληρονομίαν Eph 5:5. θυσιαστήριον Hb 13:10a; μέρος ἔ. ἔν τινι have a share in someth. Rv 20:6. Gener. μηδὲν ἔ. own nothing (SibOr 3, 244) 2 Cor 6:10. ὅσα ἔχεις Mk 10:21; cp. 12:44; Mt 13:44, 46; 18:25. τί ἔχεις ὸ̔ οὐκ ἔλαβες; what do you have that you have not been given? 1 Cor 4:7. The obj. acc. is often used w. an adj. or ptc.: ἔ. ἅπαντα κοινά have everything in common Ac 2:44 (cp. Jos., Ant. 15, 18). ἔ. πολλὰ ἀγαθὰ κείμενα have many good things stored up Lk 12:19.—Hb 12:1. Abs. ἔ. have (anything) (Soph.et al.; Sir 13:5; 14:11) Mt 13:12a; Mk 4:25a; Lk 8:18a. ἐκ τοῦ ἔχειν in accordance w. what you have 2 Cor 8:11. ἔ. εἰς ἀπαρτισμόν have (enough) to complete Lk 14:28. W. neg. ἔ. have nothing Mt 13:12b; Mk 4:25b; Lk 8:18b.—ὁ ἔχων the one who has, who is well off (Soph., Aj. 157; Eur., Alc. 57; X., An. 7, 3, 28; Ar. 15:7). πᾶς ὁ ἔχων everyone who has (anything) Mt 25:29a; Lk 19:26a. ὁ μὴ ἔχων the one who has nothing (X., An. 7, 3, 28; 1 Esdr 9:51, 54; 2 Esdr 18:10) Mt 25:29b; Lk 19:26b; 1 Cor 11:22.
    β. have = hold in one’s charge or keeping ἔ. τὰς κλεῖς hold the keys Rv 1:18; cp. 3:7. τὸ γλωσσόκομον the money-box J 12:6; 13:29.
    ⓑ to contain someth. have, possess, of the whole in relation to its parts
    α. of living beings, of parts of the body in men and animals μέλη Ro 12:4a; cp. 1 Cor 12:12. σάρκα καὶ ὀστέα Lk 24:39 (Just., A I, 66, 2 καὶ σάρκα καὶ αἷμα) ἀκροβυστίαν Ac 11:3. οὖς Rv 2:7, 11. ὦτα Mt 11:15; Mk 7:16; Lk 8:8. χεῖρας, πόδας, ὀφθαλμούς Mt 18:8f; Mk 9:43, 45, 47. Of animals and animal-like beings ἔ. πρόσωπον Rv 4:7. πτέρυγας vs. 8. κέρατα 5:6. ψυχάς 8:9. τρίχας 9:8. κεφαλάς 12:3 (TestAbr B 14 p. 118, 19 [Stone p. 84]) al. ἔχοντες ὑγιῆ τὴν σάρκα AcPlCor 2:32 (Just., D. 48, 3 σάρκα ἔχων). Of plants (TestAbr B 3 p. 107, 6 [Stone p. 62] εὗρον δένδρον … ἔχον κλάδους) ῥίζαν ἔ. Mt 13:6; Mk 4:6.
    β. of inanimate things: of cities τ. θεμελίους ἔ. Hb 11:10; cp. Rv 21:14. Of a head-covering χαρακτῆρα ἔχει βασιλικόν has a royal emblem GJs 2:2.
    ⓒ to have at hand, have at one’s disposal have ἄρτους Mt 14:17; cp. 15:34; J 21:5, where the sense is prob. ‘Did you catch any fish for breakfast?’. οὐκ ἔχω ὸ̔ παραθήσω αὐτῷ I have nothing to set before him Lk 11:6. μὴ ἐχόντων τί φάγωσι since they had nothing to eat Mk 8:1; cp. Mt 15:32 (Soph., Oed. Col. 316 οὐκ ἔχω τί φῶ). οὐκ ἔχω ποῦ συνάξω I have no place to store Lk 12:17. ἄντλημα a bucket J 4:11a. οἰκίας ἔ. have houses (at one’s disposal) 1 Cor 11:22. Of pers.: have (at one’s disposal) (PAmh 92, 18 οὐχ ἕξω κοινωνόν and oft. in pap) Moses and the prophets Lk 16:29. παράκλητον an advocate, a helper 1J 2:1. οὐδένα ἔ. ἰσόψυχον Phil 2:20. ἄνθρωπον οὐκ ἔ. J 5:7.
    ⓓ to have within oneself have σύλλημα ἔχει ἐκ πνεύματος ἁγίου she has something conceived through the Holy Spirit GJs 18:1. Var. constr. w. ἐν: of women ἐν γαστρὶ ἔ. be pregnant (γαστήρ 2) Mt 1:18, 23 (Is 7:14); 24:19; Mk 13:17; Lk 21:23; 1 Th 5:3; Rv 12:2. ἔ. τινὰ ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ have someone in one’s heart Phil 1:7 (Ovid, Metam. 2, 641 aliquem clausum pectore habere). ἔ. τι ἐν ἑαυτῷ (Jos., Ant. 8, 171; cp. TestAbr A 3 p. 80, 14 [Stone p. 8] ἔκρυψεν τὸ μυστήριον, μόνος ἔχων ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτοῦ): ζωήν J 5:26. τὴν μαρτυρίαν 1J 5:10; τὸ ἀπόκριμα τοῦ θανάτου have a sentence of death within oneself 2 Cor 1:9.
    ⓔ to have with oneself or in one’s company have μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ (X., Cyr. 1, 4, 17) τινά someone Mt 15:30; 26:11; Mk 2:19; 14:7; J 12:8; AcPl Ha 8, 35; σὺν αὐτῷ 4:18.—The ptc. w. acc. = with (Diod S 12, 78, 1 ἔχων δύναμιν with a [military] force; 18, 61, 1 ὁ θρόνος ἔχων τὸ διάδημα the throne with the diadem; JosAs 27:8 ἔχοντες ἐσπασμένας τὰς ῥομφαίας ‘with their swords drawn’) ἀνέβησαν ἔχοντες αὐτόν they went up with him Lk 2:42 D.
    ② to stand in a close relationship to someone, have, have as
    ⓐ of relatives πατέρα ἔ. J 8:41. ἀδελφούς Lk 16:28. ἄνδρα (Aristot., Cat. 15b, 27f λεγόμεθα δὲ καὶ γυναῖκα ἔχειν καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἄνδρα; Tob 3:8 BA) be married (of the woman) J 4:17f; 1 Cor 7:2b, 13; Gal 4:27 (Is 54:1). γυναῖκα of the man (cp. Lucian, Tox. 45; SIG 1160 γυναικὸς Αἴ., τῆς νῦν ἔχει; PGM 13, 320; 1 Esdr 9:12, 18; Just., D. 141, 4 πολλὰς ἔσχον γυναίκας. As early as Od. 11, 603 Heracles ἔχει Ἥβην) 1 Cor 7:2a, 12, 29 (for the wordplay cp. Heliod. 1, 18, 4 in connection w. the handing over of a virgin: σὺ ἔχων οὐκ ἕξεις; Crates, 7th Ep. [p. 58, 8 Malherbe] πάντʼ ἔχοντες οὐδὲν ἔχετε). τέκνα Mt 21:28; 22:24; 1 Ti 3:4; 5:4; Tit 1:6. υἱούς (Artem. 5, 42 τὶς τρεῖς ἔχων υἱούς; cp. θυγατέρα TestAbr B 10 p. 114, 17 [Stone p.76]) Lk 15:11; Gal 4:22. σπέρμα have children Mt 22:25. W. acc. as obj. and in predicate (Ar. 8, 4 τούτους συνηγόρους ἔχοντες τῆς κακίας; 11, 3 ἔσχε μοιχὸν τὸν Ἄρην; Ath. 7, 2 ἔχομεν προφήτας μάρτυρας) ἔ. τινὰ πατέρα have someone as father Mt 3:9. ἔ. τινὰ γυναῖκα (w. γυναῖκα to be understood fr. the context) 14:4; cp. Mk 6:18; ὥστε γυναῖκά τινα τοῦ πατρὸς ἔ. that someone has taken his father’s wife (as his own wife: the simple ἔχειν in this sense as Plut., Cato Min. 21, 3; Appian, Bell. Civ. 3, 10 §34; Jos., C. Ap. 1, 147. Perh. an illicit relationship is meant, as Longus 4, 17; Hesychius Miles. [VI A.D.], Viri Ill. 4 JFlach [1880] ἔχω Λαί̈δα) 1 Cor 5:1 (Diod S 20, 33, 5 of a man who had illicit relations with his stepmother: ἔχειν λάθρᾳ τοῦ πατρὸς τὴν Ἀλκίαν).
    ⓑ more gener. φίλον have a friend Lk 11:5. ἀσθενοῦντας have sick people Lk 4:40 and χήρας widows 1 Ti 5:16 to care for; παιδαγωγοὺς ἔ. 1 Cor 4:15. δοῦλον Lk 17:7. οἰκονόμον 16:1; κύριον ἔ. have a master, i.e. be under a master’s control Col 4:1; δεσπότην ἔ. 1 Ti 6:2; βασιλέα J 19:15. ἀρχιερέα Hb 4:14; 8:1. ποιμένα Mt 9:36. ἔχων ὑπʼ ἐμαυτὸν στρατιώτας I have soldiers under me Lk 7:8. W. direct obj. and predicate acc. ἔ. τινὰ ὑπηρέτην have someone as an assistant Ac 13:5 (Just., A I, 14, 1) ἔ. τινὰ τύπον have someone as an example Phil 3:17.—Of the relation of Christians to God and to Jesus ἔ. θεόν, τὸν πατέρα, τὸν υἱόν have God, the Father, the Son, i.e. be in communion w. them 1J 2:23; 2J 9; AcPl Ha 4, 7.—HHanse, at end of this entry.
    ③ to take a hold on someth., have, hold (to), grip
    ⓐ of holding someth. in one’s hand ἔ. τι ἐν τῇ χειρί have someth. in one’s hand (since Il. 18, 505) Rv 1:16; 6:5; 10:2; 17:4. Of holding in the hand without ἐν τῇ χειρί (Josh 6:8; JosAs 5:7) ἔ. κιθάραν 5:8. λιβανωτὸν χρυσοῦν 8:3, cp. vs. 6; 14:17 and s. ἀλάβαστρον Mt 26:7 and Mk 14:3.
    ⓑ of keeping someth. safe, a mina (a laborer’s wages for about three months) in a handkerchief keep safe Lk 19:20.
    ⓒ of holding fast to matters of transcendent importance, fig. τὴν μαρτυρίαν Rv 6:9; 12:17; 19:10; the secret of Christian piety 1 Ti 3:9; an example of sound teaching 2 Ti 1:13; keep (Diod S 17, 93, 1 τὴν βασιλείαν ἔχειν=keep control) Mk 6:18.
    ⓓ of states of being hold, hold in its grip, seize (Hom. et al.; PGiss 65a, 4 παρακαλῶ σε κύριέ μου, εἰδότα τὴν ἔχουσάν με συμφορὰν ἀπολῦσαί μοι; Job 21:6; Is 13:8; Jos., Ant. 3, 95 δέος εἶχε τοὺς Ἑβρ.; 5, 63; Just., D. 19, 3) εἶχεν αὐτὰς τρόμος καὶ ἔκστασις trembling and amazement had seized them Mk 16:8.
    ④ to carry/bear as accessory or part of a whole, have on, wear, of clothing, weapons, etc. (Hom. et al.; LXX; TestAbr B p. 114, 22 [Stone p. 76]) τὸ ἔνδυμα Mt 3:4; 22:12 (cp. ἔνδυσιν TestJob 25:7). κατὰ κεφαλῆς ἔχων w. τὶ to be supplied while he wears (a covering) on his head 1 Cor 11:4. ἔ. θώρακας Rv 9:9, 17. ἔ. μάχαιραν wear a sword (Jos., Ant. 6, 190) J 18:10. Sim. of trees ἔ. φύλλα have leaves Mk 11:13 (ApcSed. 8:8).
    ⑤ be in a position to do someth., can, be able, ἔ. w. inf. foll. (Hom. et al.; cp. Eur., Hec. 761; Hdt. 1, 49; Pla., Phd. p. 76d; Demosth., Ep. 2, 22; Theocr. 10, 37 τὸν τρόπον οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν=I cannot specify the manner; Lucian, Dial. Mort. 21, 2, Hermot. 55; Epict. 1, 9, 32; 2, 2, 24 al.; Ael. Aristid. 51, 50 K.=27 p. 546 D.: οὐκ ἔχω λέγειν; PPetr II, 12, 1, 16; PAmh 131, 15; Pr 3:27; ApcEsdr 2:24; 3:7; 6:5; TestAbr A 8, p. 86, 13 [Stone p. 20]; Jos., Ant. 1, 338; 2, 58; Just., A I, 19, 5, D. 4, 6 οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν) ἔ. ἀποδοῦναι be able to pay Mt 18:25a; Lk 7:42; 14:14. μὴ ἔ. περισσότερον τι ποιῆσαι be in a position to do nothing more 12:4. οὐδὲν ἔ. ἀντειπεῖν be able to make a reply Ac 4:14; cp. Tit 2:8. ἔ. κατηγορεῖν αὐτοῦ J 8:6 (cp. 9a below, end). ἀσφαλές τι γράψαι οὐκ ἔχω I have nothing definite to write Ac 25:26a; cp. 26b. ἔ. μεταδιδόναι Eph 4:28a. ἔ. τὴν τούτων μνήμην ποιεῖσθαι be able to recall these things to mind 2 Pt 1:15. κατʼ οὐδενὸς εἶχεν μείζονος ὀμόσαι he could swear by no one greater Hb 6:13. In the same sense without the actual addition of the inf., which is automatically supplied fr. context (X., An. 2, 1, 9) ὸ̔ ἔσχεν (i.e. ποιῆσαι) ἐποίησεν she has done what she could Mk 14:8.
    ⑥ to have an opinion about someth., consider, look upon, view w. acc. as obj. and predicate acc. (POxy 292, 6 [c. 25 A.D.] ἔχειν αὐτὸν συνεσταμένον=look upon him as recommended; 787 [16 A.D.]; PGiss 71, 4; Job 30:9; Ps.-Clem., Hom. 16, 19; Ath. 32, 3 τοὺς μὲν υἱοὺς … νοοῦμεν, τοὺς δὲ ἀδελφούς ἔχομεν) ἔχε με παρῃτημένον consider me excused (= don’t expect me to come) Lk 14:18b, 19 (cp. Martial 2, 79 excusatum habeas me). τινὰ ἔντιμον ἔ. hold someone in honor Phil 2:29. ἔ. τινὰ ὡς προφήτην consider someone a prophet Mt 14:5; 21:26, 46 v.l. (cp. GNicod 5 [=Acta Pilati B 5 p. 297 Tdf.] ἔχειν [Jannes and Jambres] ὡς θεούς; Just., D. 47, 5 τὸν μετανοοῦντα … ὡς δίκαιον καὶ ἀναμάρτητον ἔχει). ἔ. τινὰ εἰς προφήτην consider someone a prophet Mt 21:46 (cp. Duris [III B.C.]: 76 Fgm. 21 Jac. ὸ̔ν εἰς θεοὺς ἔχουσιν). εἶχον τ. Ἰωάννην ὄντως ὅτι προφήτης ἦν they thought that John was really a prophet Mk 11:32.
    ⑦ to experience someth., have (freq. in auxiliary capacity CTurner, JTS 28, 1927, 357–60)
    ⓐ of all conditions of body and soul (Hom. et al.; LXX)
    α. of illness, et al. (ApcMos 6 νόσον καὶ πόνον ἔχω; Jos., C. Ap. 1, 305) ἀσθενείας have sicknesses/diseases Ac 28:9. μάστιγας physical troubles Mk 3:10. πληγὴν τῆς μαχαίρης Rv 13:14. θλῖψιν J 16:33b; 1 Cor 7:28; Rv 2:10. Esp. of possession by hostile spirits: δαιμόνιον ἔ. be possessed by an evil spirit Mt 11:18; Lk 7:33; 8:27; J 7:20; 8:48f, 52; 10:20. Βεελζεβούλ Mk 3:22. πνεῦμα ἀκάθαρτον vs. 30; 7:25; Ac 8:7. πνεῦμα δαιμονίου ἀκαθάρτου Lk 4:33. πνεῦμα πονηρόν Ac 19:13. πνεῦμα ἄλαλον Mk 9:17. πνεῦμα ἀσθενείας spirit of sickness Lk 13:11. τὸν λεγιῶνα (the evil spirit called) Legion Mk 5:15.
    β. gener. of conditions, characteristics, capabilities, emotions, inner possession: ἀγάπην ἔ. have love (cp. Diod S 3, 58, 3 φιλίαν ἔχειν; Just., D. 93, 4 φιλίαν ἢ ἀγάπην ἔχοντε) J 5:42; 13:35; 15:13; 1J 4:16; 1 Cor 13:1ff; 2 Cor 2:4; Phil 2:2; 1 Pt 4:8. ἀγνωσίαν θεοῦ fail to know God 1 Cor 15:34. ἁμαρτίαν J 9:41; 15:22a. ἀσθένειαν Hb 7:28. γνῶσιν 1 Cor 8:1, 10 (Just., A II, 13, 1; D. 28, 4). ἐλπίδα Ac 24:15; Ro 15:4; 2 Cor 3:12; 10:15; Eph 2:12; 1J 3:3 (Ath. 33, 1). ἐπιθυμίαν Phil 1:23. ἐπιποθίαν Ro 15:23b; ζῆλον ἔ. have zeal Ro 10:2. Have jealousy Js 3:14. θυμόν Rv 12:12. λύπην (ApcMos 3 p. 2, 16 Tdf.) J 16:21f; 2 Cor 2:3; Phil 2:27; μνείαν τινὸς ἔ. remember someone 1 Th 3:6. παρρησίαν Phlm 8; Hb 10:19; 1J 2:28; 3:21; 4:17; 5:14. πεποίθησιν 2 Cor 3:4; Phil 3:4. πίστιν Mt 17:20; 21:21; Mk 4:40; Ac 14:9; Ro 14:22; 1 Cor 13:2; 1 Ti 1:19 al. (Just., A I, 52, 1). προφητείαν have the gift of prophecy 1 Cor 13:2. σοφίαν (X., Mem. 2, 3, 10) Rv 17:9. συνείδησιν ἁμαρτιῶν Hb 10:2. καλὴν συνείδησιν 13:18; ἀγαθὴν ς. 1 Ti 1:19; 1 Pt 3:16; ἀπρόσκοπον ς. Ac 24:16; ὑπομονήν Rv 2:3. φόβον 1 Ti 5:20. χαράν Phlm 7. χάριν ἔ. τινί be grateful to someone Lk 17:9; 1 Ti 1:12; 2 Ti 1:3; σιγὴν ἔ. be silent Hs 9, 11, 5. ἀνάγκην ἔσχον I felt it necessary Jd 3 (HKoskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie des Griechischen Briefes bis 400 n. Chr. ’56, 78–87).
    γ. of advantages, benefits, or comforts that one enjoys: ἔ. τὰ αἰτήματα to have been granted the requests 1J 5:15; ἀνάπαυσιν ἔ. have rest Rv 4:8; 14:11; ἀπόλαυσιν τινος ἔ. enjoy someth. Hb 11:25. βάθος γῆς Mt 13:5b; Mk 4:5b; γῆν πολλήν Mt 13:5a; Mk 4:5a. τὴν προσέλευσιν τὴν πρὸς τὸν κύριον AcPl Ha 8, 22f; εἰρήνην Ro 5:1. ἐλευθερίαν Gal 2:4. S. ἐξουσία, ἐπαγγελία, ἔπαινος, ζωή, ἰκμάς, καιρός, καρπός, καύχημα, καύχησις, λόγος, μισθός, νοῦς, πνεῦμα, προσαγωγή, πρόφασις, τιμή, χάρις (=favor), χάρισμα.
    δ. of a sense of obligation in regard to someth.—W. dir. object have = have someth. over one, be under someth.: ἀνάγκην ἔχειν be under necessity 1 Cor 7:37a; w. inf. foll. have a need (ἀνάγκη 1) Lk 14:18; 23:16 v.l.; Hb 7:27; χρείαν ἔ. be in need abs. Eph 4:28b; τινός need someth. (Aeschyl. et al.; SIG 333, 20; 421, 35 al.; PPetr III, 42 G 9, 7 [III B.C.] ἐάν τινος χρείαν ἔχῃς; Ath. 13, 2 ποίας ἔτι χρείαν ἑκατόμβης ἔχει;) Mt 6:8; 9:12a; Mk 11:3; Lk 19:31, 34; J 13:29; 1 Cor 12:21; Hb 10:36 al.; w. inf. foll. (TestSol 13:2) Mt 3:14; 14:16; J 13:10; 1 Th 1:8; 4:9; 5:1. νόμον J 19:7. ἐπιταγήν 1 Cor 7:25. ἐντολήν (SIG 559, 9 ἔ. τὰς ἰντολάς; 1 Esdr 4:52; 2 Macc 3:13; Jos., Bell. 1, 261) Hb 7:5; 1J 2:7; 4:21; 2J 5; cp. J 14:21. διακονίαν 2 Cor 4:1. ἀγῶνα Phil 1:30; Col 2:1. πρᾶξιν Ro 12:4b. ἔγκλημα Ac 23:29. κόλασιν ApcPt Bodl. (ApcEsdr 1:22 p. 25, 17 Tdf.).
    ε. of a sense of inevitability in respect to some action.—W. inf. foll. one must (Ps.-Callisth. 2, 1, 3 καθαιρεθῆναι ἔχεις=you must be deposed; Porphyr., Against the Christians 63 Harnack [ABA 1916] παθεῖν; Gen 18:31; Jos., Ant. 19, 348 τοῦ τεθνάναι; TestSol 5:12 σίδηρα ἔχεις φορέσαι; TestAbr A 18 p. 100, 22 [Stone p. 48] τοῦ βίου τοῦτου ἀπαλλάξαι εἶχες; Just., D. 51, 2 ἔργῳ πεισθήναι ὑμῶν ἐχόντων) βάπτισμα ἔχω βαπτισθῆναι I must undergo a baptism Lk 12:50. ἔχω σοί τι εἰπεῖν I have someth. to say to you (Lucian, Philops. 1 ἔχεις μοι εἰπεῖν. Without dat. Aelian, VH 2, 23; Jos., Ant. 16, 312) 7:40. καινόν σοι θέαμα ἔχω ἐξηγήσασθαι I have a wonderful new thing to tell you=‘I must tell you about something wonderful that I’ve just seen’ GJs 19:3. ἀπαγγεῖλαι Ac 23:17, 19; cp. vs. 18. πολλὰ γράφειν 2J 12; 3J 13.
    ⓑ of temporal circumstances w. indications of time and age: πεντήκοντα ἔτη οὔπω ἔχεις you are not yet fifty years old J 8:57 (cp. Jos., Ant. 1, 198). τριάκοντα κ. ὀκτὼ ἔτη ἔχων ἐν τῇ ἀσθενείᾳ αὐτοῦ who had been sick for 38 years 5:5 (Cyranides p. 63, 25 πολὺν χρόνον ἔχων ἐν τῇ ἀρρωστίᾳ. W. cardinal numeral TestJob 26:1 δέκα ἑπτὰ ἔτη ἔχω ἐν ταῖς πληγαῖς; POxy 1862, 17 τέσσαρες μῆνας ἔχει. Mirac. S. Georgii 44, 7 [JAufhauser 1913] ἔσχεν … ἔτη ἑπτά); cp. Mt 9:20 v.l. τέσσαρας ἡμέρας ἔ. ἐν τῷ μνημείῳ have lain in the grave for four days J 11:17 (Jos., Ant. 7, 1 αὐτοῦ δύο ἡμέρας ἔχοντος ἐν τῇ Σεκέλλᾳ). πολὺν χρόνον ἔ. be (somewhere or in a certain condition) for a long time 5:6. ἡλικίαν ἔχειν be of age (Pla., Euthyd. 32, 306d; Plut., Mor. 547a; BGU 168 τοῖς ἀτελέσι ἔχουσι τὴν ἡλικίαν) 9:21, 23. τέλος ἔχειν have an end, be at an end (Lucian, Charon 17; UPZ 81 III, 20 [II A.D.] τέλος ἔχει πάντα; Ar. 4:2 ἀρχὴν καὶ τέλος) Mk 3:26; Lk 22:37 (on the latter pass. s. τέλος 2); cp. Hb 7:3.
    ⑧ as connective marker, to have or include in itself, bring about, cause w. acc. (Hom. et al.; Wsd 8:16) of ὑπομονή: ἔργον τέλειον Js 1:4. Of πίστις: ἔργα 2:17. Of φόβος: κόλασιν 1J 4:18. Of παρρησία: μεγάλην μισθαποδοσίαν Hb 10:35. Of πολυτέλεια: λύπην, χαράν Hs 1, 10. ἐσχάτην εὐλογίαν, ἥτις διαδοχὴν οὐκ ἔχει ultimate blessing, which has no successor GJs 6:2.
    ⑨ special combinations
    ⓐ w. prep. ἐν: τὸν θεὸν ἔ. ἐν ἐπιγνώσει acknowledge God Ro 1:28 (cp. ἐν ὀργῇ ἔ. τινά=‘be angry at someone’, Thu. 2, 18, 5; 2, 21, 3; ἐν ὀρρωδίᾳ ἔ. τ. 2, 89, 1; ἐν ἡδονῇ ἔ. τ.=‘be glad to see someone’ 3, 9, 1; ἐν εὐνοίᾳ ἔ. Demosth. 18, 167). ἐν ἑτοίμῳ ἔ. 2 Cor 10:6 (ἕτοιμος b). ἐν ἐμοὶ οὐκ ἔχει οὐδέν he has no hold on me J 14:30 (Appian, Bell. Civ. 3, 32 §125 ἔχειν τι ἔν τινι=have someth. [hope of safety] in someone). κατά τινος: on 1 Cor 11:4 s. above 4. ἔ. τι κατά τινος have someth. against someone Mt 5:23; Mk 11:25; w. ὅτι foll. Rv 2:14. ἔ. κατά τινος w. sim. mng. Hm 2:2; Hs 9, 23, 2; w. ὅτι foll. Rv 2:4, 20. ἔ. τινὰ κατὰ πρόσωπον meet someone face to face Ac 25:16. μετά: ἔ. τι μετά τινος have someth. w. someone κρίματα lawsuits 1 Cor 6:7. περί: ἔ. περί τινος have (a word, a reference, an explanation) about someth. B 12:1; with adv. τελείως 10:10. πρός τινα have someth. against someone (Ps.-Callisth. 2, 21, 21 ὅσον τις ὑμῶν ἔχει πρὸς ἕτερον) Ac 24:19. ζητήματα ἔ. πρός τινα have differences w. someone (on points in question) 25:19. λόγον ἔ. πρός τινα 19:38. πρᾶγμα (=Lat. causa, ‘lawsuit’: BGU 19 I, 5; 361 II, 4) ἔ. πρός τινα (POxy 743, 19 [2 B.C.] εἰ πρὸς ἄλλους εἶχον πρᾶγμα; BGU 22:8) 1 Cor 6:1. ἵνα ἔχωσιν κατηγορίαν αὐτοῦ J 8:4 D (cp. 5 above). πρός τινα ἔ. μομφήν have a complaint against someone Col 3:13.
    ⓑ τοῦτο ἔχεις ὅτι you have this (in your favor), that Rv 2:6. ἔ. ὁδόν be situated (a certain distance) away (cp. Peripl. Eryth. 37: Ὡραία ἔχουσα ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν ἑπτὰ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης) of the Mt. of Olives ὅ ἐστιν ἐγγὺς Ἰερουσαλὴμ σαββάτου ἔχον ὁδόν Ac 1:12.—ἴδε ἔχεις τὸ σόν here you have what is yours Mt 25:25. ἔχετε κουστωδίαν there you have a guard (=you can have a guard) 27:65 (cp. POxy 33 III, 4).
    ⑩ to be in some state or condition, act. intr. (spatially: Ath. 25, 1 οἱ ἄγγελοι … περὶ τόν ἀέρα ἔχοντες καὶ τὴν γῆν) w. adv. (Hom. et al.; ins, pap, LXX).
    ⓐ impers. it is, the situation is (Himerius, Or. 48 [=Or. 14], 10 πῶς ὑμῖν ἔχειν ταῦτα δοκεῖ; =how does this situation seem to you? Just., D. 3, 5 τὸ … ὡσαύτως ἀεὶ ἔχων) ἄλλως 1 Ti 5:25. οὕτως (Antig. Car. 20; Cebes 4, 1; POxy 294, 11 [22 A.D.] εἰ ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχει; TestSol 20:8; Jos., Ant. 15, 261; Just., D. 3:5 οὐχ οὕτως ἔχει) Ac 7:1; 12:15; 17:11; 24:9. τὸ καλῶς ἔχον what is right 1 Cl 14:2 (Michel 543, 12 [c. 200 B.C.] καλῶς ἔχον ἐστὶ τιμᾶσθαι τοὺς εὔνους ἄνδρας). τὸ νῦν ἔχον for the present Ac 24:25 (cp. Plut., Mor. 749a; Lucian, Anachars. 40, Catapl. 13 τὸ δὲ νῦν ἔχον μὴ διάτριβε; Tob 7:11).
    ⓑ pers. be (in a certain way) πῶς ἔχουσιν how they are Ac 15:36 (cp. Gen 43:27; Jos., Ant. 4, 112). ἑτοίμως ἔ. be ready, hold oneself in readiness w. inf. foll. (BGU 80, 17 [II A.D.] ἡ Σωτηρία ἑτοίμως ἔχουσα καταγράψαι; Da 3:15 LXX; Jos., Ant. 13, 6; Just., D. 50, 1) 21:13; 2 Cor 12:14; 1 Pt 4:5. Also ἐν ἑτοίμῳ ἔ. 2 Cor 10:6 (s. ἕτοιμος b end). εὖ ἔ. be well-disposed πρός τινα toward someone Hs 9, 10, 7 (cp. Demosth. 9, 63 ἥδιον ἔχειν πρός τινα; SIG 1094, 4 φιλανθρώπως ἔχει πρὸς πάντας). κακῶς ἔ. be sick (Aristoph. et al.; POxy 935, 15; Ezk 34:4) Mt 4:24; 8:16; 9:12b; 17:15 v.l. (see πάσχω 2). καλῶς ἔ. be well, healthy (Epict. 1, 11, 4; PGen 54, 8; PFlor 230, 24) Mk 16:18; ἐσχάτως ἔ. (s. ἐσχάτως) 5:23; κομψότερον ἔ. feel better (κομψῶς ἔ.: Epict. 2, 18, 14; 3, 10, 13; PParis 18; PTebt 414, 10 ἐὰν κομψῶς σχῶ) J 4:52.
    ⑪ to be closely associated, in a variety of renderings, hold fast, be next to, be next, mid. (Hom. et al.) in NT only ptc.
    ⓐ of proper situation or placement, esp. of inner belonging hold fast, cling to. The ‘to’ of belonging and the ‘with’ of association are expressed by the gen. (Theognis 1, 32 ἀεὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἔχεο=ever hold fast to the good people; X., Oec. 6, 1; Pla., Leg. 7, 811d; Lucian, Hermot. 69 ἐλπίδος οὐ μικρᾶς ἐχόμενα λέγεις; Sallust. 14 p. 26, 24 τ. θεῶν; Philo, Agr. 101 τὰ ἀρετῆς ἐχόμενα; Jos., Ant. 10, 204 οὐδὲν ἀνθρωπίνης σοφίας ἐχόμενον, C. Ap. 1, 83 παλαιᾶς ἱστορίας ἐχόμενον; Just., A I, 68, 1 λόγου καὶ ἀληθείας ἔχεσθαι; Tat. 33, 1 μανίας ἔχεται πολλῆς; Ath., R. 48, 3 λόγῳ … ἀληθείας ἐχομένῳ) τὰ ἐχόμενα σωτηρίας things that belong to salvation Hb 6:9.
    ⓑ of proximity
    α. spatial, to be next to someth: ἐχόμενος neighboring (Isocr. 4, 96 νῆσος; Hdt. 1, 134 al. οἱ ἐχόμενοι=‘the neighbors’; Diod S 5, 15, 1; Appian, Bell. Civ. 2, 71 §294; Arrian, Peripl. 7, 2; PParis 51, 5 and oft. in pap; 1 Esdr 4:42; Jos., Ant. 6, 6 πρὸς τὰς ἐχομένας πόλεις; 11, 340) κωμοπόλεις Mk 1:38.
    β. temporal, to be next, immediately following (Thu. 6, 3, 2 τ. ἐχομένου ἔτους al.; SIG 800, 15; PRev 34, 20; PAmh 49, 4; PTebt 124, 43; LXX) τῇ ἐχομένῃ (sc. ἡμέρᾳ, as Polyb. 3, 112, 1; 5, 13, 9; 2 Macc 12:39; Jos., Ant. 6, 235; 7, 18 al.; cp. εἰς τὴν ἐχομένην [i.e. ἡμέραν] PMich 173, 16 [III B.C.]) on the next day Lk 13:33 (v.l. ἐρχομένῃ); Ac 20:15; w. ἡμέρᾳ added (PAmh 50, 17) 21:26. τῷ ἐχομένῳ σαββάτῳ 13:44 v.l. (for ἐρχομένῳ; cp. 1 Macc 4:28, where the witnesses are similarly divided).—On the whole word HHanse, ‘Gott Haben’ in d. Antike u. im frühen Christentum ’39.—B. 641; 740. EDNT. M-M. TW. Sv.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > ἔχω

  • 14 Salazar, Antônio de Oliveira

    (1889-1970)
       The Coimbra University professor of finance and economics and one of the founders of the Estado Novo, who came to dominate Western Europe's longest surviving authoritarian system. Salazar was born on 28 April 1889, in Vimieiro, Beira Alta province, the son of a peasant estate manager and a shopkeeper. Most of his first 39 years were spent as a student, and later as a teacher in a secondary school and a professor at Coimbra University's law school. Nine formative years were spent at Viseu's Catholic Seminary (1900-09), preparing for the Catholic priesthood, but the serious, studious Salazar decided to enter Coimbra University instead in 1910, the year the Braganza monarchy was overthrown and replaced by the First Republic. Salazar received some of the highest marks of his generation of students and, in 1918, was awarded a doctoral degree in finance and economics. Pleading inexperience, Salazar rejected an invitation in August 1918 to become finance minister in the "New Republic" government of President Sidónio Pais.
       As a celebrated academic who was deeply involved in Coimbra University politics, publishing works on the troubled finances of the besieged First Republic, and a leader of Catholic organizations, Sala-zar was not as modest, reclusive, or unknown as later official propaganda led the public to believe. In 1921, as a Catholic deputy, he briefly served in the First Republic's turbulent congress (parliament) but resigned shortly after witnessing but one stormy session. Salazar taught at Coimbra University as of 1916, and continued teaching until April 1928. When the military overthrew the First Republic in May 1926, Salazar was offered the Ministry of Finance and held office for several days. The ascetic academic, however, resigned his post when he discovered the degree of disorder in Lisbon's government and when his demands for budget authority were rejected.
       As the military dictatorship failed to reform finances in the following years, Salazar was reinvited to become minister of finances in April 1928. Since his conditions for acceptance—authority over all budget expenditures, among other powers—were accepted, Salazar entered the government. Using the Ministry of Finance as a power base, following several years of successful financial reforms, Salazar was named interim minister of colonies (1930) and soon garnered sufficient prestige and authority to become head of the entire government. In July 1932, Salazar was named prime minister, the first civilian to hold that post since the 1926 military coup.
       Salazar gathered around him a team of largely academic experts in the cabinet during the period 1930-33. His government featured several key policies: Portuguese nationalism, colonialism (rebuilding an empire in shambles), Catholicism, and conservative fiscal management. Salazar's government came to be called the Estado Novo. It went through three basic phases during Salazar's long tenure in office, and Salazar's role underwent changes as well. In the early years (1928-44), Salazar and the Estado Novo enjoyed greater vigor and popularity than later. During the middle years (1944—58), the regime's popularity waned, methods of repression increased and hardened, and Salazar grew more dogmatic in his policies and ways. During the late years (1958-68), the regime experienced its most serious colonial problems, ruling circles—including Salazar—aged and increasingly failed, and opposition burgeoned and grew bolder.
       Salazar's plans for stabilizing the economy and strengthening social and financial programs were shaken with the impact of the civil war (1936-39) in neighboring Spain. Salazar strongly supported General Francisco Franco's Nationalist rebels, the eventual victors in the war. But, as the civil war ended and World War II began in September 1939, Salazar's domestic plans had to be adjusted. As Salazar came to monopolize Lisbon's power and authority—indeed to embody the Estado Novo itself—during crises that threatened the future of the regime, he assumed ever more key cabinet posts. At various times between 1936 and 1944, he took over the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and of War (Defense), until the crises passed. At the end of the exhausting period of World War II, there were rumors that the former professor would resign from government and return to Coimbra University, but Salazar continued as the increasingly isolated, dominating "recluse of São Bento," that part of the parliament's buildings housing the prime minister's offices and residence.
       Salazar dominated the Estado Novo's government in several ways: in day-to-day governance, although this diminished as he delegated wider powers to others after 1944, and in long-range policy decisions, as well as in the spirit and image of the system. He also launched and dominated the single party, the União Nacional. A lifelong bachelor who had once stated that he could not leave for Lisbon because he had to care for his aged mother, Salazar never married, but lived with a beloved housekeeper from his Coimbra years and two adopted daughters. During his 36-year tenure as prime minister, Salazar engineered the important cabinet reshuffles that reflect the history of the Estado Novo and of Portugal.
       A number of times, in connection with significant events, Salazar decided on important cabinet officer changes: 11 April 1933 (the adoption of the Estado Novo's new 1933 Constitution); 18 January 1936 (the approach of civil war in Spain and the growing threat of international intervention in Iberian affairs during the unstable Second Spanish Republic of 1931-36); 4 September 1944 (the Allied invasion of Europe at Normandy and the increasing likelihood of a defeat of the Fascists by the Allies, which included the Soviet Union); 14 August 1958 (increased domestic dissent and opposition following the May-June 1958 presidential elections in which oppositionist and former regime stalwart-loyalist General Humberto Delgado garnered at least 25 percent of the national vote, but lost to regime candidate, Admiral Américo Tomás); 13 April 1961 (following the shock of anticolonial African insurgency in Portugal's colony of Angola in January-February 1961, the oppositionist hijacking of a Portuguese ocean liner off South America by Henrique Galvão, and an abortive military coup that failed to oust Salazar from office); and 19 August 1968 (the aging of key leaders in the government, including the now gravely ill Salazar, and the defection of key younger followers).
       In response to the 1961 crisis in Africa and to threats to Portuguese India from the Indian government, Salazar assumed the post of minister of defense (April 1961-December 1962). The failing leader, whose true state of health was kept from the public for as long as possible, appointed a group of younger cabinet officers in the 1960s, but no likely successors were groomed to take his place. Two of the older generation, Teotónio Pereira, who was in bad health, and Marcello Caetano, who preferred to remain at the University of Lisbon or in private law practice, remained in the political wilderness.
       As the colonial wars in three African territories grew more costly, Salazar became more isolated from reality. On 3 August 1968, while resting at his summer residence, the Fortress of São João do Estoril outside Lisbon, a deck chair collapsed beneath Salazar and his head struck the hard floor. Some weeks later, as a result, Salazar was incapacitated by a stroke and cerebral hemorrhage, was hospitalized, and became an invalid. While hesitating to fill the power vacuum that had unexpectedly appeared, President Tomás finally replaced Salazar as prime minister on 27 September 1968, with his former protégé and colleague, Marcello Caetano. Salazar was not informed that he no longer headed the government, but he never recovered his health. On 27 July 1970, Salazar died in Lisbon and was buried at Santa Comba Dão, Vimieiro, his village and place of birth.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Salazar, Antônio de Oliveira

  • 15 Т-151

    К ТОМУ ЖЕ PrepP Invar sent adv
    in addition to, along with sth. (mentioned in the preceding context)
    moreover
    on top of that...to boot as well besides (that) (in limited contexts)...into the bargain.
    Кязым по праву считался одним из самых умных людей Чегема. К тому же всем было известно, что он раскрыл несколько преступлений, совершённых в Чегеме и окрестных сёлах... (Искандер 5). Kyazym was rightly considered to be one of the smartest men in Chegem. Moreover, everyone knew that he had solved several crimes committed in Chegem and neighboring villages... (5a).
    «...Батя мой мужик был хозяйственный, на все руки мастер: хоть веники, хоть ложки - всё умел и двух лошадей держал к тому же» (Максимов 2). "My father was а good craftsman, he could turn his hand to anything—making brooms, making spoons, he could do it all—and on top of that he kept two horses" (2a).
    Из двенадцати (членов правления) сторону Иванько с самого начала активно держали четверо... Пятый член правления был в отъезде, шестой колебался... Седьмой перебегал всё время на ту сторону, которая ему казалась в данный момент сильнее, делая вид, что он тёмный восточный человек, к тому же ещё немножко поэт, не от мира сего и в происходящем не очень-то разбирается (Войнович 3). Of the twelve (members of the board), four actively supported Ivanko's side from the very beginning....The fifth member of the board was on leave, the sixth was vacillating....The seventh member would always run over to the side that seemed strongest to him at a given moment, pretending that he was an ignorant man of the East, and a bit of a poet to boot, not of this world and not too clear about what was going on (3a).
    «Так вот вам бы написать все это в виде письма в газету...» -«Хорошая идея, но как-то недостойно это делать из тюрьмы, подумают к тому же, что я писал под давлением» (Амальрик 1). "You should put all that in a letter to a newspaper." That's a good idea, but it doesn't seem quite fitting, somehow, to do it from prison. Besides, people might think I had written the letter under pressure" (1a).
    Вот дурак, вот дурак! Да к тому же еще и нахал, каких мало! (Залыгин 1). The idiot. What an idiot! And what cheek, into the bargain! (1a).

    Большой русско-английский фразеологический словарь > Т-151

  • 16 к тому же

    [PrepP; Invar; sent adv]
    =====
    ⇒ in addition to, along with sth. (mentioned in the preceding context):
    - ...to boot;
    - [in limited contexts] ... into the bargain.
         ♦ Кязым по праву считался одним из самых умных людей Чегема. К тому же всем было известно, что он раскрыл несколько преступлений, совершённых в Чегеме и окрестных сёлах... (Искандер 5). Kyazym was rightly considered to be one of the smartest men in Chegem. Moreover, everyone knew that he had solved several crimes committed in Chegem and neighboring villages... (5a).
         ♦ "...Батя мой мужик был хозяйственный, на все руки мастер: хоть веники, хоть ложки - всё умел и двух лошадей держал к тому же" (Максимов 2). "My father was a good craftsman, he could turn his hand to anything - making brooms, making spoons, he could do it all - and on top of that he kept two horses" (2a).
         ♦ Из двенадцати [членов правления] сторону Иванько с самого начала активно держали четверо... Пятый член правления был в отъезде, шестой колебался... Седьмой перебегал всё время на ту сторону, которая ему казалась в данный момент сильнее, делая вид, что он тёмный восточный человек, к тому же ещё немножко поэт, не от мира сего и в происходящем не очень-то разбирается (Войнович 3). Of the twelve [members of the board], four actively supported Ivanko's side from the very beginning....The fifth member of the board was on leave, the sixth was vacillating....The seventh member would always run over to the side that seemed strongest to him at a given moment, pretending that he was an ignorant man of the East, and a bit of a poet to boot, not of this world and not too clear about what was going on (3a).
         ♦ "Так вот вам бы написать все это в виде письма в газету..." - "Хорошая идея, но как-то недостойно это делать из тюрьмы, подумают к тому же, что я писал под давлением" (Амальрик 1). "You should put all that in a letter to a newspaper." "That's a good idea; but it doesn't seem quite fitting, somehow, to do it from prison. Besides, people might think I had written the letter under pressure" (1a).
         ♦ Вот дурак, вот дурак! Да к тому же еще и нахал, каких мало! (Залыгин 1). The idiot. What an idiot! And what cheek, into the bargain! (1a).

    Большой русско-английский фразеологический словарь > к тому же

  • 17 Bull-fighting

       Until soccer ( futebol) assumed that role in the 20th century, bull-fighting was perhaps Portugal's most popular national sport. Portugal's variation of this blood sport, which is also pursued in Spain and a number of Latin American countries (as well as occasionally the United States), differs from that found in neighboring Spain. The contemporary Portuguese bullfight emphasizes pageantry, spectacle, horsemanship, and bull-jumping during a typical "program" of six bulls.
       The Portuguese participants wear 18th-century costumes, including plumed three-cornered hats, silk breeches, and buckled shoes and boots, and the bulls are not killed in the arena. In the early stages of each "fight," the bull is taunted and harassed by participants on foot or on horses. In the final stage of each bull's appearance, the bull is challenged to charge by a group of seven men called forcados, who proceed to incite the bull to charge the first man in front of the lined-up row of six other men. The object is to jump on the bull's head, hold the horns, and stop the bull's forward progress. Even though the bull's horns are cut and padded and horses wear padding, injuries to persons and horses do occur. In Portuguese tradition, it is said that the bull-jumping activity goes back to the ancient Phoenician or even Minoan customs of bull-jumping as a popular sport.
       In recent years, bullfight audiences have decreased in number while soccer has increasingly drawn greater crowds. During the 18th century, when killing the bull was part of the Portuguese bullfight, during one series of incidents a number of aristocratic bullfighters died in the arena. In 1928, the government of the day banned killing the bull and made such an act against the law. Matadores who killed the bull in the fight then were fined. In 2007, the matador Pedro de Portugal was fined 137,000 euros for killing a bull in the ring as an act of protest against the ban.
       The traditional bullfight season in Portugal runs from May into October each year. It was customary during the Estado Novo that after the bullfight the bulls, although not killed in the bullring, were slaughtered soon afterward and the meat donated to feed the poor. The supply of horses and bulls for this blood sport remains a business of some consequence in the Ribatejo district, north of the Tagus River, the "cowboy" and cattle section of central Portugal.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Bull-fighting

  • 18 Castles, Portuguese

       "Castles in Spain,' still a common phrase in English, can conjure up romantic images of scenery in neighboring Spain. Although less well known, "Castles in Portugal" are also quite numerous and equally remarkable, romantic, and scenic. Virtually all have been fully restored since the 1930s, when preparations began for the 1940 Double Centenary celebrations. Major Portuguese castles are listed below and several of them have individual entries in this dictionary (noted in boldface type). This is by no means an exhaustive list.
        Lisbon Region São Jorge Castle Palmella Castle* Belém Tower Moorish Castle, Sintra Pena Palace, Sintra Tagus River Valley
       Castle of Torres Novas/Castle of São Filipe (Setúbal)* Castle of Almourol Central/ Southern Portugal Castle of Abrantes
       Castle of Belver Castle of Silves (Algarve)
       Castle of Torres Vedras Castle of Marvão
       Castle of Óbidos Castle of Vide
       Castle of Peniche Castle of Alter do Chão
       Castle of Ourém Castles of Elvas
       Castles of Tomar Castle of Estremoz*
       Castle of Pombal Castle of Salir
       Castle of Montemor-o-Velho Castle of Beja
       Castle of Mértola
       Castle of Bode*
       Castle of Louzã Castle of Guimarães
       Castle of Feira Castle of Lanhoso
       Castle of S. João da Foz Castle of Montalegre
       Castle of Chaves Castle of Valença
       Castle of Monção Castle of Bragança
       Castle of Penedono Castle of Celórico da Beira
       Castle of Belmonte Castle of Sabugal
       *Indicates castle is now a pousada (state inn) where visitors can stay.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Castles, Portuguese

  • 19 Dance

       The history of Portuguese dance includes traditional, regional folk dances, modern dance, and ballet. Portuguese folk dances have historic origins in the country's varied regions and are based on traditions associated with the historic provinces. At least by the 18th century, these folk dances, performed in traditional garb, were popular and became differentiated by region. In the south of the country, there were colorful, passionate lively dances by rural folk in the Algarve, the corridinho; and in the Ribatejo, the fandango, the dance most celebrated and known outside Portugal. In northern Portugal, even more folk dances were developed and preserved in each historic province. In Trás-os-Montes, there were the chulas and dancas do pauliteros, in which dancers used sticks and stick play. Each region had its own special folk dances and costumes, with typical jewelry on display, and with some dances reflecting regional courting and matrimonial traditions. Perhaps richest of all the provinces as the home of folk dance has been the Minho province in the northwest, with dances such as the viras, gotas, malháo, perim, and tirana. For the most part, folk dances in Portugal are slower than those in neighboring Spain.
       Various factors have favored the preservation of some of these dances including local, regional, and national dance organizations that, for recreation, continue this activity in Portugal, as well as abroad in resident Portuguese communities in Europe, the Americas, and Africa. As a part of entertainment for visitors and tourists alike, performances of folk dances with colorful costumes and lively movements have continued to interest onlookers from abroad. Such performances, usually accompanied by singing traditional folk songs, can occur in a variety of settings including restaurants, fado houses, and arenas. Such dances, too, are performed in traditional, commemorative parades on the Tenth of June from Lisbon and Oporto to Newark, New Jersey, Toronto, and France.
       In modern dance activities, Portugal has made a diversified contribution, and in recent decades ballet has received intense attention and commitment as a performing art. An outstanding example has been the professional company and its performances of the notable Ballet Gulbenkian, established and financed by the Gulbenkian Foundation in Lisbon. Founded in 1964, Ballet Gulbenkian became an outstanding ballet company, featuring both Portuguese and international ballet dancers and directors. For decades, Ballet Gulbenkian made a distinguished contribution to the performing arts in Portugal. In 2005, unexpectedly and controversially, by fiat of the Foundation's administration, the Ballet Gulbenkian was closed down. The extinction of this ballet company provoked strong national and international protest among fans of ballet, and amounting as it did to a crisis in one division of the performing arts in a country that had expected unstinting financial support from the Foundation established from the financial legacy of notable collector, philanthropist, and financier Calouste Gulben- kian, a resident of Portugal from 1942 to 1955.
        See also Music.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Dance

  • 20 סום I

    סוּםI (v. שׂוּם) to attach, place; to tie together. Tosef.Shebi.I, 11 אין סָמִין את הגפניםוכ׳ Var. ed. Zuck. (text: אף סימין oth. ed. אין סכין) you must not bind the grapevines in the Sabbatical year. Pi. סִיֵּים 1) same. Cant. R. to VII, 1 (ref. to שולמית ib., a. Num. 6:26) אומה שמְסַיְּימִים לה שלוםוכ׳ a nation to which peace is assigned every day; (Gen. R. s. 66 שהכהנים מְשִׂימִין לה שלוםוכ׳). 2) to mark, name (cmp. שם, שוּם); to distinguish. Y.Peah VII, beg.20a הדקל מְסַיְּימוֹ the neighboring palm-tree serves as a mark for it (that the owner did not forget it); זה מְסַיֵּיםוכ׳ they mark each other (cmp. Mish. ib. 1 שיש לו שם). Deut. R. s. 7 בתוך המדינהוכ׳ סַיּימֵנִי give me some distinction in the country, (by which to show) that I am thy son. Y.Ber.V, end, 9d וסִיְּימוּ באותהוכ׳ and they noted (the time when he said it), at that very time he (the patient) asked for food. Y.Meg.I, 71d וסיימו אותן חכמיםוכ׳ the scholars noted them (took their names, in order to be able to observe their career), and all of them turned out great men; Gen. R. s. 1. Y.Dem.V, 24c bot. ומְסַיֵּים … סִיַּימְתִּי and he makes a mark (on the pile), and says to the priest, so far I have marked (as tithe); a. fr.(Gen. R. s. 42 end ומסיים את עצמך v. סוּף II.Part. pass. מְסוּיָּים, מְסוּיָּם; f. מְסוּיֶּימֶת Y. Peah l. c. היה מס׳ בדעתו if it (the olive or the sheaf left behind) was noted in his mind (so that he could identify it), כאילו הוא מס׳ it is to be considered as if it were marked (by a special name, locality). B. Bath.54a שדה המס׳ במצריה a field definable by its bonndaries. Y.Yeb.XV, 15a אדם מס׳ a well-known man. Y.Shek.I, 46b top דבר המס׳ an object which bears the name of its owner. Gen. R. s. 44 מה איים הללו מס׳ ביםוכ׳ as the islands are distinguishable in the sea, so were Abraham and Shem distinguished in the world; a. fr. 3) to tie up; to finish, wind up, opp. פתח. Arakh.10b פתח בחליל ומסיים באבוב the Mishnah begins with ḥalil and ends with abbub! Ber.10a פתח בה באשרי וס׳ באשרי he began it (the psalm) with ashré and closed it with ashré; a. fr.Part. pass. as ab. Y.Bets. I, beg. 60a בהמה יולדת לחדשים מס׳ every animal gives birth after a certain number of complete months, opp. למקוטעין counting a fraction of the last month as a whole month. Nithpa. נִסְתַּיֵּים 1) to be marked, defined. Y.Ter.III, 42b top מקום שנִסְתַּיְּימָהוכ׳ where the Trumah of one pile was marked, there (in the corresponding place) the Trumah of the other pile was meant to be dedicated. Y.Shebi.VIII, 38a זה שהוא … ונסתיימה לווכ׳ if one used a basket for measuring and after using it two or three times knew exactly how much it contained; a. e. 2) to be finished, concluded. B. Bath. 125b דבר זה נפתח בגדולים ונ׳וכ׳ this subject was opened by great men and has been concluded by small men.

    Jewish literature > סום I

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